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Breaking the stereotype on Cold War

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“There are two great nations on earth now…I mean the Russians and Americans. Americans battle with the hardships created by the nature; while the hardships faced by Russians are the people. First one challenges nature and wildlife while the other challenges civilizations by using it’s weapons. The primary goal of Americans is freedom, while Russians seek for slavery. Even though the fact that their starting point, path of improvement are different; some divine enactment seems to have chosen them in the domination of the half of the world.”
Tocqueville, Democracy in America, 1835

The spiritual environment of the 20th century shaped the Cold War as hostile and alien in a considerable degree. Unfortunately, liberal Western thought, which divided the world into two opposing poles in this process, succeeded in overshadowing two fundamental points in our point of view, and was able to draw a limit to the mind of humanity.

First point acknowledged by nearly all political entities is the pre-admission of the fact that there are no historical, cultural, geographical similarities between USA and Russia.

The second point is however, the claim that a single and homogeneous Western civilization exists, with the Americas ‘historic and savage’ incorporated into the cultural circle of old continental Europe to the extent that America and Russia are shown in antagonism.

With the latest Ukraine crisis, Western media and it’s intellectual population tries to capture people’s attention on the strict understanding of the Cold War by using the hostile attitude towards Russia.

This intentionally revived fear on the Cold War, obviously casts a shadow on the extreme crisis experienced by the Capitalist system and lack of solutions. On the other hand, it also takes the attention from the conflicts between Europe and America, which emerged as a result of the disintegration of the ‘solid’ Western hegemony.

At this point, one needs to check historical and literacy sources and not only geopolitics in order to find historical, geographical and cultural similarities between the USA and Russia.

In order to achieve at finding these similarities it needs to be presented that though there are nuances between these two nations, they also have a significant and deep difference from the European civilizations.

Thus, the flaws of now dissolving Western domination become more visible, the prejudices of both the Eurocentric view and the traditional West-East opposition, which is the product of this thought, can be overcome.

If this century-old paradigm is the subject, it can be seen more clearly that the causes of the crisis are not the “ancient enemies” Russia and China, but Western capitalism itself.

 Russia and America: Forgotten historical and geographical similarities  

At the beginning of the 19th century, these two countries were lack of strict borders in their vast lands opposed to Europe. Indians in America, warrior-like population in the Caucasian region at Russia, Kazakhs and Volga-Don people advocating the Old Belief were causing strikes in the borders of the two countries. Hence this situation caused an unstable geographical union.

Fragile institutionalization process and newly established political government foundations were observed in both of the countries.

Both parties were lack of historically connected provinces that will enhance the social consciousness towards cultural heritage. Baltimore and Petersburg were so new that their foundation could be remembered by people of these two countries and also, these cities were pretty man-made and shallow in cultural terms.

The similarities in question are present in a parallel line also in the historical tragedies. Reforms upon abolishing of helotism in Russia at the date of February 19th 1861 created extreme political crisis in the country; while America also suffered from civil war at the date of April 1861.

On the other hand, American and Russian artist clearly draw a line between their country and Europe in terms of culture.

Even Henry James, an artist accepting the Classical European culture as a milestone stated at the time: “Being an American is a very complicating situation, one of the responsibilities it brings is to fight against the exaggerated European domination.” through which he meant to stress the tension between American artist and European culture.

According to Dostoyevski, the classical European culture using measure and balance as a reference is unable to comprehend the unique Russian characteristics and artistic reforms destroying different and classical patterns: “…First, I don’t think that European can understand our national values at all (which means all our art).”.

Dostoyevski reasons this situation by emphasizing that Europe sees itself as an upper entity in an “exaggerated” way: “Europeans know very little of Russian lifestyle since they have not bothered to get to know it in an extended way. Indeed, Europe has never had the special need to understand us in details.”  

European inertia of ideation  

Contrary to Dostoyevski’s criticism, America and Russia were the two mysterious symbols in gigantic sizes, located in far away, tempting, extending the dreamers mind in the 19th century European mentality.

Especially, opposed to the different political attitudes in the second half of 19th century, there were instinctive philosophers themselves visited these countries or examined them thoroughly to get to know the lifestyle.

Agenda of philosophers such as Astolphe de Custine, Alexis de Tocqueville, Matthew Arnold, Henry Adams was the fact that they have similarities which differs them from Europe. Astolphe de Custine, a French aristocrat and a writer, visited Russia at 1839 and transferred his observation in the book named ‘La Russie en 1839’ and published at 1843.

Tocqueville visited America in the dates between May 1831 and February 1832 to observe prison systems. He published the observations he noted. The first volume of this book by Tocqueville is published at 1835 upon his returning and the second volume is published at 1840, he observed American social structure in details while examining traditions and cultural habits.

Tocqueville mentioned that the relation between civil society-government is different from Continental Europe in the way that America has whole another type of legal system and governing organizations.

Also, Henry Adams’, in his political novel titled ‘Democracy: An American Novel’, written in 1880, published in 1918 after his death, discussed the future of civilization upon the expected conflict of these newly fragile countries through the subject of Europe.

Though he was the one with the most extensive study related to America, Tocqueville weren’t able to predict the civil war. In the meantime, his observations on Russia were no better than an observer’s.

The person who observed both of these countries in terms of history, economy, their difference from Europe in an extensive and serious way is Karl Max, without doubt.

Marx wrote for the journal New York Tribune for a considerable period of time, he was following the fast and unique development of American capitalism. Marx did not want to write the next volumes of Das Capital without analyzing the capital increase in that new geography.

Similary, Karl Max spent a considerable amount of time of his last year for the examination of Village Communes in Russia called “obsçina”. Marx examined the valid proof for the thesis of the Russian democrats, especially Çernişevski, provoking a transition to directly to Socialism without adapting Capitalism.

Marx learned Russian to read first hand sources, he hesitantly mentioned that there is a possibility that Russa may see a different path rather than West European historical development in that very “historical moment.”

It was Marx who again showed that these two countries went separate ways in different social systems just before the world war, though they are shown to have significant similarities throughout the 19th century.

A desperate need for new perspectives

An unconditional trust towards their civilization hindered the view of European philosophers in seeing their problems, crisis in their social structure. They could not see these two nations gaining power by following a different historical path than Europe because of this blind trust.

Throughout the 20th century, European conservative-liberal people even the left parties advocated for “American Freedom”, “Totalitarian Russia” by the movement of Tocqueville, it is the same people today who does not see rising power China.

 By using this move, certain people claim that China has no democracy, and has been rising in power because of its discipline caused by the authoritative regime; while other people state China is rising because they declined their Socialist aspects and turn to Capitalism. Meaning all these assuming people were making a mistake of explaining the world by comparing with European liberal-capitalist system.

People who stuck with the rhetorical conditions of the Cold War are not able to comprehend the world-shaping dynamics and contradictions.

The world we live in is in a situation which is called ‘interregnum’ by Gramsci, where the old is dying and the new is about to be born.

In this transition period, it is necessary to break the old intellectual patterns and reveal new perspectives in order to come to terms with the old world radically and to embrace the newly occurring world clearly.

It is highly unlikely to expect such new perspectives from the Western world judging by the near history.

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Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

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The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

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What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

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By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

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The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

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In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

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