Former European Parliament Türkiye Rapporteur Kati Piri spoke to Harici: EU doesn’t have a coherent strategy on Türkiye

Kati Piri, a Dutch member of parliament and former rapporteur on Türkiye’s EU accession in the European Parliament, offered a perspective on the current state of EU–Türkiye relations to Harici.

Ahmetcan Uzlaşık/ Brussels

Drawing on her experience in foreign affairs, Kati Piri reflects on the political developments in Türkiye and the EU’s increasingly transactional stance toward Ankara.

In this interview, she discusses the challenges of maintaining a values-based foreign policy, the implications of shifting political dynamics in both Europe and Türkiye, and the future of cooperation on issues such as migration, defense, and the customs union.

Kati Piri also shares her views on broader global developments, including the war in Ukraine, the return of Donald Trump, and the rise, and in her view, recent decline, of far-right populism across Europe.

How do you see the current political developments in Türkiye, especially regarding both Imamoglu’s arrest?

Well, to start with, the political witch-hunt against Imamoglu, which led to his arrest, made us very concerned. Although Türkiye is still not a full autocracy like Russia, Türkiye has turned the page in the wrong direction.

The European Parliament has concluded that Türkiye’s EU accession process is effectively frozen. Given your experience as a former rapporteur, do you think the EU still has a credible and coherent strategy toward Türkiye?

I totally understand why the European Parliament said this. How can you say anything else when the main opposition leader is in prison? We didn’t see any positive developments regarding Türkiye’s accession over the years. So I fully understand that when it comes to a coherent view of the EU as a whole, which is of course much bigger than the EP, that has been lacking for many years.

I don’t know how the EU managed to position itself in a way where many Turkish democrats are very disappointed in how the EU positions itself vis-à-vis the President Erdoğan regime. If you disappoint the people who share European values like rule of law, human rights, etc. in Türkiye, then the EU did something wrong.

I don’t think the EU has a good strategy toward Türkiye. I think Europe is very much driven by very short-term personal interests. And now with the war in Ukraine and general security concerns in Europe, if those who are destroying democracy and freedom at home are seen as partners, that is also a threat to Europe. It’s more of a threat than an ally to Europe. In conclusion, Europe’s strategy toward Türkiye is very short-sighted. It’s unfortunately been the case for many years.

There’s a growing sense that the EU is moving away from the accession model and toward a strategic partnership with Türkiye. Do you see this as a pragmatic adjustment, or an admission of failure?

Look, on the one hand, you can’t talk about a regime that is destroying democracy in Türkiye. In that respect, strategic partnership, I understand it. But also, as Europe, you have a responsibility to your own values.

I don’t have the feeling that we always stand up for those values or the people who defend them in Türkiye. That’s where my main criticism is. I would say since the Syria crisis in 2015, Europe has been pretty silent in my view on the deterioration of democracy in Türkiye. Plus, it lost a lot of credibility among democrats in Türkiye, which I would say is the largest part of the population, and strengthened the current Turkish government by being silent.

I think it is in Europe’s and the people of my country’s interest that Türkiye is a democracy. Europe, in a way, gave up on that and focused on short-term cooperation like migration.

Is this why, for example, the EU leaders visited President Erdoğan in the last couple of months, and Hakan Fidan was invited to EU foreign minister meetings? These resumed in 2024 after a long period. Do you think the EU is trying to keep Türkiye close on transactional matters like migration and security, not as part of accession, but just as a strategic partner?

Look, in general, I always say that even if we don’t agree with the Turkish government, it is important to convey the message. I’m in favor of meetings and discussions, but you need to have your priorities right and raise your concerns.

My criticism is that the EU acts like Imamoglu isn’t in prison. Europe forgets that it not only has values but also tools against Türkiye. Europe is the biggest investor in Türkiye, and it should use this much more smartly than it does now.

Realistically speaking, not what should be, but what do you think is going to happen? Do you think the EU’s shift to the right, where right-wing politicians prefer transactional deals over full accession, will push Türkiye and the EU closer on security or migration cooperation?

Look, I would hope to be close with Türkiye, with a democratic Türkiye. Because that would be, I think, in the interest of both. Right?

I don’t think we should get close with a more autocratic Türkiye, where it’s normal to jail your opponents. That does not make Europe safer in any way, and it doesn’t make Türkiye safer either.

Having said that, we have an extreme right-wing majority in the Dutch parliament and also a very right-wing government, which is very transactional. But still, when I handed in the motion that we cannot start concluding the customs union as long as the verdicts of the European court is respected.

So the Dutch parliament will block any progress on this as long as verdicts of the European court are not respected. In that respect, I still see that it won’t be as easy as some people think to convince all 27 countries to forget about democracy in Türkiye.

Ms. Piri, we are witnessing a global geopolitical realignment: the war in Ukraine, a second Trump term, tensions in the Middle East, and the changing situation in Syria. How do you see EU–Türkiye relations repositioning within today’s Europe, Türkiye, and the broader world order?

Well, I think in general, if you just look at it from a citizen’s point of view, the world has become, in a way, more fragile, and international law is almost out the window.

I don’t want to see again a world carved up by big powers deciding on zones of interest. I think it’s important that when we see positive developments, and let’s be clear, the disappearance of Assad from Syria is, in itself, a positive development, then it is the obligation of the international community to make sure that an inclusive, democratic process gets a chance in Syria.

I don’t think we can expect regime change in Russia anytime soon, which means that’s a clear threat. At least, it’s a clear threat that our citizens feel.

Within NATO, for instance, my country has always relied on our big transatlantic neighbor, the United States. And I think Europe as a whole has come to realize we cannot automatically rely on the Americans anymore.

Now there’s all this discussion: “We need Türkiye because we can’t rely on the Americans. We need them for military cooperation.”

But the values Ukrainians are defending every day are the values of democracy and freedom. We can only fight this with an alliance where everyone agrees on these values. So if we have a Turkish regime destroying democracy at home, that’s not our ally. These are the powers we are fighting against.

Perhaps finally, I’d say it’s very important to watch what is happening with populist, extreme right-wing parties in Europe since Trump’s election. They’re all losing, not only in Europe; we saw it in Canada, Romania etc.. People are seeing the consequences in their daily lives, and they don’t want this.

So you see populist autocratic parties losing across Europe. I cannot imagine that in Türkiye the public isn’t showing similar sentiments.

That’s very interesting, because in Portugal the far-right gained ground recently, and people fear that AfD might even become the first party in Germany in the future. Do you really believe the far-right is losing in Europe?

Let’s see if it stays that way. For now, they are. You saw it in France. You see it in the Netherlands, the far right won the national elections, and they are now declining in the polls.

Yes, it’s worrying what’s happening in Germany, but clearly, AfD did not win the election. So now it’s up to the government to deliver on people’s concerns and make sure they won’t win the next elections.

I think there’s a chance for what we call liberal democrats, I even say this as a social democrat, but you see what I mean. It’s not about ideology. It’s about defending international law, rule of law, and human rights.

This might gain traction again because we’re seeing a moment where the radical right is damaging itself. Trump is damaging the radical right in Europe, and that’s a good thing.

President Erdoğan recently met with Italian Prime Minister Meloni. She never spoke about democracy in Türkiye. He also has good relations with Hungarian Prime Minister Orbán and Slovak leader Fico. Do you think this makes EU–Türkiye relations more complicated?

I think it’s true there’s an international pack of autocrats. I would say Netanyahu is also linked to the same group. Of course, that’s not where President Erdoğan is aligning himself. But let’s be honest, it’s all the same tendencies, national conservatism, “family values” in a way that excludes minorities, women, all to gain and retain power. That’s the goal.

To marginalize the democratic part of society. We see this playbook worldwide. It’s time for progressive leaders to work much more closely, internationally, to defend the values our parents and grandparents fought for, which are now under attack.

This is why I was proud of the PES going immediately to Türkiye and standing with the CHP when Imamoglu was arrested. We need to help each other more. I’m sure the general public will turn, and we can win this fight, but we need to stand together.

I’d like to ask about migration. It seems that the EU, including the Netherlands, is shifting rightward on this. Is there a contradiction between people’s concerns about far-right rise and the fact that Brussels and national governments are implementing similar policies?

Let it be clear, I do not agree with the migration policy of my government. I’m in the main opposition party, and I think what they are doing will neither solve the migration problem nor reduce the number of people coming.

We have issues with housing. People are waiting two years before their applications are even reviewed. The idea that making it unattractive for migrants will stop them from coming is not based on facts. I’m very worried about the criminalization of people seeking refuge, and how this narrative has gained traction, including in Germany and my country.

Progressive parties need a clear alternative. Yes, every country has an absorption capacity. But let’s be honest, refugees are not the reason the economy is suffering. The far-right has had too much space to tell people that every problem in their life is caused by refugees. It’s simply not true.

My final question: What is your and your party’s stance on the ongoing trade war, which Trump recently backed off from a bit, and the issue of increased military spending ahead of the upcoming NATO summit in the Netherlands?

When it comes to the trade war, I think this is a very dangerous development.

Trump’s economic philosophy is not supported by any serious economist. It damages free trade globally and will also damage the U.S. long-term. Countries may divest from the U.S., making it a poorer country. Starting a trade war with your biggest allies is crazy. Trump is backed by the richest people who want no rules, they want to make more money at the expense of normal people. Europe must be strong, stand together, negotiate as a bloc, and hit back when necessary.

As for the NATO summit, I see two trends. First, with Russian aggression since the 2022 full-scale invasion, Europe has become less safe. We face daily threats, not tanks in Amsterdam, but cyberattacks, sabotage, Russian ships gathering intelligence. We’re already in a grey zone.

Second, we cannot take for granted that the U.S. will show up if a NATO country is attacked. So Europe must urgently prepare to defend itself, which we cannot do today without the U.S.
This summit is very important. But it won’t be easy to get all NATO countries on board regarding spending and unity. Let’s be honest, Trump’s values are more aligned with President Putin than with mine.