Struggle Against Imperialism and the Republican Stance

Prof. Dr. Barış Doster, Turkish political scientist and academician

Imperialism is the highest stage of capitalism. For this reason, it cannot be considered independently of production, ownership, and distribution relations, capital accumulation at the national level, and of the need for markets, raw materials, cheap labor, and capital export at the international level. One cannot become imperialist without first reaching the capitalist stage. As the most advanced stage of capitalism, imperialism is specific to industrial societies.

The functioning of imperialist states, the pressure they establish, their methods of exploitation, and their instruments of coercion and violence should not be confused with the colonial empires of the pre-capitalist era. It should be noted that when one thinks of empire, feudal periods, pre-capitalist processes, and agrarian societies come to mind first, such as the Roman Empire or the Ottoman Empire. The scale and methods of competition among such empires differ from those among states that have reached the imperialist stage. Humanity witnessed this on the largest scale for the first time, with both the rising and the eliminated powers, in the First World War, which is also called the First War of Partition.

The forms of government, modes of operation, scope, and networks of relations of developed capitalist states differ from those of feudal colonial empires. Yes, empires are not solely about the military, security, or war. Yes, there can be no empire without economic power, trade, and plunder. Yes, no empire has survived by relying only on the military or only on geopolitics. However, it must be remembered that imperialism was produced by advanced capitalism, not by feudalism.

Capitalism is a far more advanced stage in terms of industry, production and trade, governance, and in terms of exploitation being multidimensional, multilayered, systematic, and continuous. One cannot be imperialist without being capitalist, without reaching that stage. Not every empire reached this stage, such as the Ottoman State. Many states that were strong at sea, that stood out in competition among European powers at a certain point in history, and whose names were associated with discoveries and overseas colonies later fell behind and dropped out of the race, such as Spain, Portugal, Italy, and the Netherlands.

The Essentials of the Struggle Against Imperialism

The struggle against imperialism is carried out primarily by organizing citizens who possess a class-based perspective, homeland, nation, and historical consciousness. In this context, ideological clarity, political consistency, and conceptual awareness are essential. At the very least, the major difference between laicism and secularism, as well as the irreconcilable contradiction between equality of citizens and equal citizenship, must be understood.

The struggle against imperialism requires opposition in both form and substance to NATO and the European Union. There is no room for the slightest doubt on these matters. A mentality that sees NATO, the instrument of attack and occupation of U.S. imperialism and established to keep member countries under U.S. control, as a “defense and security organization,” and defines the European Union as a “civilization project,” cannot fight imperialism. On this issue, there is a very broad mass that is essentially well-intentioned and Republican but thinks differently about NATO and the EU. It is imperative to warn and raise the awareness of this mass precisely on the issue of the struggle against imperialism.

For the struggle against imperialism, it is necessary to bring together the broadest possible segments of society. It is important to unite urban, educated, white-collar middle classes with calloused-handed, blue-collar workers, and to blend their qualities and quantities, their political accumulations and numerical majorities toward the same goals.

The struggle against imperialism cannot be conducted without adopting a clear political economy stance. A statist, populist, planning-oriented, production-based, and social program is required. Public ownership against privatization, a social culture against individualism and selfishness, laicism against feudal remnants and medieval bigotry, citizenship and class consciousness against identity politics, and nationalism against sectarianism and separatism must be defended.

Against imperialism, secular, scientific, enlightenment-based, populist, statist, and coeducational policies, as well as populist and statist health policies, must be defended. There should be no hesitation on this matter. Approaches that see the citizen as a customer in schools and hospitals, define schools and hospitals as enterprises, and view teachers and doctors as marketing personnel and principals and chief physicians as company managers must be openly opposed.

The struggle against imperialism must be determined, consistent, and courageous. It must be dynamic and energetic. It must be inclusive, not exclusionary. It must encompass the widest possible institutional and organized structures, from factories to cooperatives, from trade unions to professional chambers, from political parties to democratic mass organizations.

The struggle against imperialism must include a holistic program. All dimensions—ideological, political, economic, social, class-based, cultural, and organizational—must be addressed together.

The struggle against imperialism in foreign policy begins with defending regional centrality. On the global level, it requires defending equality-based, reciprocal policies toward all oppressed nations, the Third World, and, in the words of Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the “oppressed nations.” With an ambitious, resentful, aggressive foreign policy; with a dreamy, expansionist, adventurist foreign policy; with a foreign policy that aims to produce security in the region on behalf of imperialist powers and aspires to subcontracting, one cannot fight imperialism. Such policies only and inevitably pave the way for division and fragmentation. They prepare the ground for federalism through feudalism.

The struggle against imperialism requires, first and foremost, unwavering commitment to Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the Turkish Revolution, and the Republican Revolution. In this context, there is no difference between the mentality that calls the Republic “a commercial break, a trauma, rubble, a parenthesis” and the mentality that calls it “an ordinary petty-bourgeois revolution, a simple Turkish-Greek War, not anti-imperialist.” Both are reactionary and collaborators of imperialism.

The Mortar of the Republic: War and Revolution

The Republic of Türkiye was founded through war and revolution. The war was the War of Independence fought against imperialism and its collaborators. The revolution was a sovereignty revolution that changed the root, source, and meaning of sovereignty. Sovereignty was brought down from the heavens to the earth, stripped of its religious character and secularized, taken from the dynasty and given to the nation. In this context, the Republic is inherently anti-imperialist, enlightenment-based, fully independent, populist, and egalitarian. The Republic created the nation against the ummah, and the citizen against the subject.

A Republican defends democracy. But the democracy understood is social democracy, not market democracy. It does not equate democracy with the market economy, freedom of enterprise, free trade, or privatization. It is jealous of the social state. It defends the rule of law and respects laws. But it places legitimacy above legality. It approaches legitimacy in historical, political, legal, and moral terms as a whole.

A Republican sees the citizen as an individual and as part of the nation. It does not concern itself with the citizen’s sub-identity, lineage, ethnic, religious, sectarian affiliations, or place of birth. It is blind, deaf, and mute toward these. Citizens who make up the nation have rights, freedoms, duties, and responsibilities arising from being citizens and from being part of the nation. For a Republican, all citizens are equal.

A Republican values statism and planning. Gazi Mustafa Kemal Atatürk’s statement, “The Republic is especially the guardian of the unprotected,” reflects the populist and social character of the Republic.

A Republican prioritizes what is national, social, and public. It approaches tax policies and compulsory military service in this way, as well as education and health services, and gender equality. For this reason, it does not reconcile with savage capitalism and liberalism, and it is also opposed to the politicization of feudal remnants and medieval identities, affiliations, sensitivities, and identities in the name of democracy, human rights, freedom, and civil society.

In summary, a Republican is by nature social, statist, populist, revolutionary, enlightenment-oriented, on the side of labor, equality, and independence, and against imperialism. In short, leftist. It knows that one cannot be a comrade without first being a citizen. It defends the nation-state founded through war and revolution, the unitary structure, the independence, integrity, sovereignty, and political unity of our country. It has clear consciousness regarding fundamental issues and concepts such as state, nation, homeland, language, flag, independence, labor, and equality. It is aware that in Türkiye, a leftism that is not republican, a republicanism that is not leftist, a nationalism that is not leftist, and a leftism that is not nationalist will find no social base.