{"id":14315,"date":"2026-04-03T11:13:17","date_gmt":"2026-04-03T08:13:17","guid":{"rendered":""},"modified":"2026-04-06T14:31:08","modified_gmt":"2026-04-06T11:31:08","slug":"the-cuban-people-are-making-it-clear-that-they-do-not-want-to-return-to-the-bondage-of-capitalism","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/harici.com.tr\/en\/the-cuban-people-are-making-it-clear-that-they-do-not-want-to-return-to-the-bondage-of-capitalism\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cThe Cuban people are making it clear that they do not want to return to the bondage of capitalism\u201d"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Cuban Revolution, which succeeded with Batista\u2019s flight on January 1, 1959, is striving to preserve its socialist character despite the U.S. blockade, which has reached genocidal proportions. Imperialist attempts at invasion, which reached their peak with the Bay of Pigs intervention, have been significantly \u201cspiced up\u201d with elements such as biological attacks, assassinations, economic aggression, and the support of counterrevolutionary fascist groups. With the second Trump administration, the operation to strangle Cuba\u2014clearly carrying the tone of regime change and led by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who harbors the resentment of his counter-revolutionary parents who fled and were dispossessed from Cuba\u2014appears to have sworn to destroy not only the Revolution but the Cuban people as a whole.<\/span><\/p>\n

Frank Josu\u00e9 Solar Cabrales, a Cuban historian, writer, and academic who answered our questions from the island\u2014where power outages have become routine due to the U.S. blockade\u2014says the Cuban people will resist U.S. imperialism to avoid losing both socialism and national sovereignty. In his view, what the U.S. sees in Cuba is a small island just 150 km away defying the odds to demonstrate that another world is possible\u2014that is, serving as a \u201cmodel\u201d not only for the peoples of Latin America but for the entire world.<\/span><\/p>\n

Cabrales, who candidly acknowledges the challenges of the socialist construction process in Cuba, points out that market reforms\u2014accelerated particularly after 2011\u2014have significantly increased inequality. He argues that while taking steps backward may be legitimate, he objects to the presentation of tools drawn from the capitalist toolkit as a means to build socialism. He argues that the \u201ctrench\u201d mentality is rational due to the American threat; however, he believes efforts must be intensified to ensure the continuous renewal and revitalization of popular participation. He considers the warnings of Fidel and Che to remain relevant today.<\/span><\/p>\n

He suggests that if the U.S. were to invade Cuba, imperialism would face not only an armed Cuban people and a \u201cwar of the entire people,\u201d but also a continent-wide counterattack by the peoples of Latin America.<\/span><\/p>\n

Cuba is struggling with a terrible blockade imposed by the US immediately after the revolution. The \u201cDonroe Doctrine\u201d announced during Donald Trump’s second term and the rogue actions against Venezuela, one of Cuba’s most important allies, appear to have exacerbated the negative effects of this blockade. Can you describe both the historical effects of the blockade and the distinctive features of the new era ushered in by the Trump administration? What concrete dangers do the Cuban Revolution and the Cuban people face today?<\/b><\/p>\n

The U.S. economic, commercial, and financial blockade against Cuba, which began in 1962 under the administration of John F. Kennedy, has been the spearhead, the central core of a total war waged by U.S. imperialism against the Cuban Revolution throughout its more than six decades of existence.<\/span><\/p>\n

When history books about this era are written in the future, Cuba\u2019s heroic resistance will have to be recorded in capital letters and gold. The epic story of a small, underdeveloped island with scarce economic resources resisting the longest siege by the most powerful empire in history is a modern version of the legendary confrontation between David and Goliath. Against that small nation, ninety miles from its shores, the United States has employed nearly every means available in its arsenal.<\/span><\/p>\n

And in this broad strategy of subversion, where everything has been tried, from terrorist sabotage and personal attacks to direct military aggression, including biological warfare, the main battering ram has always been the economic blockade, the attempt to cut off any possibility of trade or formal economic relations for Cuba, not only with the United States but also with other countries. Any company or business in the world that dares to do business with Cuba risks fines or sanctions from the U.S. government.<\/span><\/p>\n

The relentlessness of the United States, which devotes an army of officials and a massive amount of federal funds to pursuing Cuban commercial operations, stems from its refusal to forgive the Caribbean island for the audacity of being rebellious and upholding its independence. They have gone to great lengths to ensure the failure of a revolutionary experiment in building a different society, one of prosperity, justice, and dignity for all, so that its example does not spread throughout Latin America.<\/span><\/p>\n

While the Soviet Union and the socialist bloc existed, the effects of the blockade were greatly mitigated by favorable economic relations with the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance [COMECON], which allowed Cuba to successfully overcome its obstacles. When the Berlin Wall fell and the USSR disintegrated, Cuba found itself in very difficult circumstances, losing almost all of its international trade and the market where it sold its products and procured vital supplies.<\/span><\/p>\n

In those circumstances of extreme weakness and isolation for the Cuban Revolution, when it seemed it had only months left to live, U.S. imperialism believed the time had come to deliver the coup de gr\u00e2ce by tightening the economic blockade. Two new laws, the Torricelli Act in 1992 and the Helms-Burton Act in 1996, tightened the screws of commercial suffocation against Cuba. The latter has been particularly damaging because it codified the blockade into legislation that can only be repealed by the U.S. Congress, and established a series of requirements for doing so that imply Cuba\u2019s total surrender and the loss of its sovereignty. It also accentuated its extraterritorial nature by allowing foreign companies to be sued in U.S. courts for conducting business on properties or lands that were expropriated by the Cuban Revolution.<\/span><\/p>\n

Against all odds, Cuba survived the severe blow dealt by the fall of the USSR. With Fidel Castro still at the helm of the country, the market-opening measures, inevitable but temporary in nature, taken during the \u201cspecial period in peacetime\u201d allowed its productive apparatus to withstand the onslaught of intensified imperial pressure and come out on top. This trend was later reinforced by a favorable context of progressive governments across Latin America and by the brief period of thaw and rapprochement attempted under the Barack Obama administration.<\/span><\/p>\n

Donald Trump\u2019s rise to power marked a return to a policy of maximum pressure against Cuba, implemented with even greater force. Already during his first term, he took some 240 measures that reinforced the blockade, sought to strike at every sector of our economy, and targeted any commercial exchange with the rest of the world. And in this second term, with Marco Rubio serving as Secretary of State, a direct representative of the far-right Cuban counterrevolutionary lobby, he intends to finish the job and fulfill the long-cherished dream of U.S. imperialism: the overthrow of the Cuban Revolution.<\/span><\/p>\n

The first thing he did, on the very day he took office, was to re-include us on the list of countries that supposedly sponsor terrorism, which automatically prevents us, among other things, from opening accounts and conducting financial transactions at many banks around the world. Being on that list imposes additional restrictions on our country regarding the use of the dollar for international trade and access to credit or loans. Cuba cannot access any of the international financing mechanisms that all nations rely on in today\u2019s highly interconnected economy. Threats of retaliation by the world\u2019s leading imperialist power act as a strong deterrent, causing many companies and financial institutions to refrain from doing business with Cuba.<\/span><\/p>\n

Far from being a trade embargo on specific goods, as the United States portrays it, the blockade is a full-scale, broad economic war, with a variety of measures that have extended, strengthened, and deepened it over the past six decades. The blockade has been a policy designed with the express purpose of causing the greatest possible harm to the Cuban people, in order to bring about a regime change through a counterrevolutionary uprising.<\/span><\/p>\n

This is reflected in official U.S. government documents, such as the memorandum by Lester Mallory, Under Secretary of State, in April 1960, which clearly states that the objective of the blockade is to deprive the country of material and financial resources to achieving the surrender of the Cuban revolution through hunger, need, suffering, and despair. Acknowledging the reality that the revolutionary government enjoyed majority popular support, the document proposes economic suffocation as the most effective means for its overthrow, to create conditions that would provoke discontent and opposition among the people. In the reasoning of that memorandum, one can see, in all its starkness, the cynicism of imperialism and how it treats peoples who break free from its domination.<\/span><\/p>\n

Surrender or death is the dilemma that U.S. imperialism imposes on peoples who, like the Cuban people, dare to be free and dignified, and to take their destiny into their own hands. Such a policy has inflicted enormous damage on the Cuban economy: official figures show that since the date of its imposition, the blockade has cost Cuba some $164 billion. Every sector of the economy\u2014industry, agriculture, and services\u2014has been affected by the imperial siege, which in recent times, under Trump, has been characterized by systematic persecution and surgical damage to any activity that brings foreign currency revenue to the country, primarily tourism and international medical collaboration.<\/span><\/p>\n

Beyond figures and macroeconomic indicators, the blockade is felt in all its harshness in the daily lives of Cubans, in the difficulties in providing social and public services such as health care, education, transportation, electricity, and water supply, and in the shortages of food, medicine, and basic consumer goods necessary for daily life. The daily existence of Cubans is truly very hard and complicated by the effects of the blockade, not only due to the lack of supplies and resources, but also due to the deterioration of the entire economic and civil infrastructure.<\/span><\/p>\n

The recent measures taken by Donald Trump, declaring Cuba an unusual and extraordinary threat to U.S. national security, threatening to impose tariffs on anyone who sends oil to the island, and cutting off the main source of crude oil for Cubans, along with the armed aggression against Venezuela on January 3, have exacerbated a deep economic crisis that the Cuban people were already suffering. The impacts of more than three months without receiving a single drop of fuel are already being felt in the daily lives of the country\u2019s inhabitants, in the most diverse ways, affecting above all two dimensions that cut across the entire society and economy and ensure their vitality: transportation and electricity generation. The lack of electricity not only affects households, with more than twenty hours of daily blackouts and all the difficulties this entails, for example, in food preservation and cooking, but also paralyzes industry and productive activity.<\/span><\/p>\n

The absence of fuel for transportation, for its part, practically brings the country to a standstill and affects the functioning of all its spheres and structures. In general, there is already a noticeable rise in prices for food and consumer goods, and the material conditions of life for Cubans are becoming even harsher.<\/span><\/p>\n

Faced with such a difficult situation, the decision of the majority of the people is firm: to continue resisting and not submit to the vassalage that U.S. imperialism seeks to impose on us.<\/span><\/p>\n

We read that the US government is planning a Venezuela-style invasion operation for Cuba. How is Cuba preparing to respond militarily to such an action? What is Revolutionary Cuba’s war strategy? How will Havana’s relations with Moscow and Beijing, and primarily with the peoples of Latin America, be mobilized in the event of a possible American intervention?<\/b><\/p>\n

Cuba relies on regular troops and a professional armed forces for its defense, where all young people receive training during their military service.<\/span><\/p>\n

But the main bulwark against external aggression stems from the involvement of the entire population in a comprehensive armed defense strategy known as the \u201cWar of the Whole People.\u201d This military doctrine of widespread popular struggle, conceived by Fidel Castro in the 1980s, ensures that every citizen has the means, a place, and a mission to resist the invader, and seeks to deter and defeat any enemy, regardless of their military superiority, by confronting them with political and human costs they cannot bear. In the face of renewed threats of attacks from the U.S. administration, we Cubans have strengthened our preparedness by increasing the frequency of periodic training exercises on the basic aspects of armed conflict.<\/span><\/p>\n

Without modern technologies or sophisticated weaponry, but with a long historical tradition of guerrilla warfare, we share the conviction that foreign troops who dare to enter Cuba \u201cwill only gather the dust of its blood-soaked soil, if they do not perish in the fight,\u201d in the words of Antonio Maceo\u00b9, one of the heroes of our struggle for independence.<\/span><\/p>\n

Unlike the relationship with the Soviet Union or the socialist camp, or even with Venezuela, which was not only an economic but also a political and ideological alliance, in the case of today\u2019s Russia, China, or the BRICS in general, these are friendly nations that condemn the blockade and wish to maintain normal trade relations with Cuba, but which operate under capitalist logic, and whose business dealings and interests with Cuba are not driven by altruistic or humanitarian purposes, but rather by the pursuit of their own profits and geopolitical advantages.<\/span><\/p>\n

The international economic crisis of capitalism also limits any potential alternative that the BRICS might represent for Cuba. Russia is embroiled in a war; China\u2019s growth figures are no longer what they were in previous decades, and it faces certain economic difficulties. The support from Russia and China has been strategic, for example, in recent times, in the implementation of large-scale solar energy projects through the installation of photovoltaic panels, and in the recovery and modernization of the country\u2019s electrical infrastructure. Without Russian and Chinese cooperation, it would have been more difficult for Cuba to address the current electricity generation crisis, caused by oil shortages and the precarious state of its power grids and thermoelectric plants.<\/span><\/p>\n

But I believe it would be naive to expect any kind of military aid from their governments if Cuba were to come under attack. It is not in their calculations to risk triggering a third world war to defend the Caribbean island. The safeguarding of national sovereignty and the Cuban revolution depends on the Cubans themselves, and the defeat of imperialism, ultimately, will only be guaranteed by the international advance of revolutionary, socialist processes that propose alternatives for radical transformation and break with capitalism.<\/span><\/p>\n

Amid its relative decline as a global imperialist power, the United States seeks to rebuild its hegemony and regain direct control over the territory it has historically considered its backyard. Under the cynical and crude guise of a supposed fight against drug trafficking, this revival of the Monroe Doctrine and the big stick actually seeks to ensure its unchallenged dominance south of the Rio Grande, where it can impose its will without disobedience or rebellion.<\/span><\/p>\n

If U.S. imperialism dares to set foot on the sacred soil of our homeland, it must face the united response of our peoples.<\/span><\/p>\n

We must make it pay dearly for its audacity, and not limit ourselves to resistance, but move to the counteroffensive. Let Bol\u00edvar\u2019s sword and Che\u2019s rifle multiply from one end of the continent to the other. Let not a single Yankee soldier or base remain in Latin America. Let our peoples rise up and direct their struggles not only against the foreign military presence but against the local oligarchies and puppet governments that serve as their accomplices and supporters in the imperialist adventure. May the revolutionary wave knock on the doors of Wall Street and inspire a rebellion there, in the belly of the beast, against the rule of the millionaires and the 1%, who send the same old people, the dispossessed of the North, to fight the wars of the powerful. In the face of the imperialist military onslaught, let us turn Latin America into a zone of revolutions and popular power.<\/span><\/p>\n

History has amply demonstrated that no abstract appeal to respect for sovereignty and international law, no appeal to the UN and other international bodies, based on a supposed rules-based world order, will be capable on its own of stopping the missiles or preventing the bombs from falling. The imperialist war machine will only be stopped by the organized and combative strength of the working class, by the power of struggle and resistance demonstrated by the oppressed when they unite and fight for common causes of freedom and justice.<\/span><\/p>\n

In an <\/b>article<\/b><\/a><\/span> you wrote in 2024 (\u201cCuba\u2019s Socialism: Certainties and Crossroads\u201d), you point out that reforms carried out in Cuba, primarily with the aim of improving economic efficiency, carry the threat of capitalist restoration. Is it possible to transform the Cuban economy and improve the material conditions of workers while maintaining a system where inequality increases and market mechanisms take root for a long time?<\/b><\/p>\n

Following the release of the Cuban Communist Party\u2019s \u201cGuidelines on the Economic and Social Policy of the Party and the Revolution\u201d in 2011, a reform process began, known as the \u201cupdate\u201d of the Cuban economic model, that embraces a series of market-oriented, capitalist-style measures, all within a socialist legal, state, and political framework. These measures could potentially help overcome the economic crisis that has plagued the island since the \u201cSpecial Period,\u201d by relying on practical approaches that seem to have always worked, such as material incentives to boost production, encouraging foreign investment, and greater openness to the private sector, which began with self-employment and later expanded to include small and medium-sized enterprises.<\/span><\/p>\n

This model, which seeks to address economic problems through the growing strengthening of the market and private property, constrained from above by a socialist legal and state infrastructure, could, under certain conditions of necessity such as those Cuba has been experiencing, and for a limited time, help revive some sectors of the economy. However, it will always pose a threat to the existence of socialism. Without a counterweight, without real and effective popular control, it generates its own logic that does not work in favor of a socialist direction, but rather in the interest of capital accumulation and the pursuit of profit above social and collective interests, and which ultimately aims at the restoration of capitalism.<\/span><\/p>\n

This is the path that has been followed since the Guidelines, and many of these measures have even been intensified, which has generated all kinds of negative phenomena, harmful to the socialist project of the Cuban Revolution.<\/span><\/p>\n

One of the most painful and worrying, with an enormous impact because it is also clearly visible in the daily life of Cubans today, is inequality, which had already emerged very timidly during the crisis of the 1990s, a crisis that Fidel later tried to address with the Battle of Ideas, but which has been intensifying and accelerating since the start of the reforms. A minority segment, associated with private economic activities, reaps significant profits, grows wealthy, and experiences a considerable rise in its standard of living, while another significant portion of the population survives in conditions of severe material deprivation.<\/span><\/p>\n

One of the most painful signs of this inequality is the increased presence on the streets of our major cities of begging and elderly people wandering the streets, living on the streets. Other harmful phenomena, related to the advance of capitalist dynamics, include mass emigration, with many young people who see no way out of the crisis or no life plan in Cuba and seek it beyond our borders, and corruption, a fertile ground where opacity, favoritism, and the direct and indirect ties of the bureaucracy to certain businesses and ventures flourish. Pro-capitalist reforms promote a type of relationship and common sense that are not conducive to socialism as a project, not only political, but also cultural, aimed at creating a better society that ends all injustices and guarantees real equality for all human beings. Individual solutions and the reliance on money as the primary means of accessing consumer goods are dangerous elements for socialism in Cuba.<\/span><\/p>\n

The main mistake with this reform, in my opinion, has been presenting it as a way to build socialism through the market, using capitalist tools, when history has proven time and again in practice that the instruments of capitalism only serve to produce more capitalism and in no way contribute to creating socialism. They can help us survive in a situation of extreme crisis and revive the country\u2019s economy, but if they are prolonged over time and without real workers\u2019 control, they will give rise to a series of effects contrary to our goals of justice and emancipation.<\/span><\/p>\n

As early as the 1960s, Che warned against the danger of using the blunt weapons of capitalism in his analyses of the socialist transition. Fidel, too, when he launched the process of rectifying errors and negative tendencies in the 1980s, called for a return to Che\u2019s conception, the same one that guided the Cuban Revolution in its early days, of building socialism without resorting to the economic categories of capitalism. And during the Special Period, when he had no alternative but to use them and explained that we were forced to live with them and their effects, he always presented them as temporary, necessary at that moment, but antithetical in the long term to the ideal society we sought to achieve.<\/span><\/p>\n

You point out that the restoration of capitalism in Cuba would not only mean a return to poverty and misery for workers, but also a humiliation for the Cuban nation. What is the connection between the suffocating blockade of US imperialism and the capitalist restorationists within the country? Furthermore, would a possible American invasion also mean a class-based civil war for Cuba? What kind of \u201cnon-socialism zones\u201d do you have in Cuba and does not that mean there are enclaves that the Cuban (national) sovereignty could not reach?<\/b><\/p>\n

The regression we have experienced in property relations, economic relations, and relations of production inevitably has its political and ideological counterpart. If you teach that any criticism or disagreement with decisions and policies approved by higher-level structures is a political problem, and is harmful because it undermines unity, you cannot expect a response to emerge to views that are antithetical to our social project, no matter how evident they may be, when they come from above. We must educate people to engage in debate about our core principles and to be able to identify threats to our liberation project, whatever their origin. The socialist revolution is much more than a government or a political power; it is a broad emancipatory project that seeks the liberation of human beings from all the chains that oppress them. It needs that power to be realized, and it needs that power to be firm, to confront the formidable opposing forces of reaction and imperialism.<\/span><\/p>\n

But it must always serve the higher interests of the project. The day it ceases to serve that project and becomes an obstacle to the achievement of its emancipatory goals, when, instead of responding to the ultimate aims of liberation, it serves the conservative and narrow interests of power groups, even while usurping the name, symbols, and traditions of the liberation project for its own benefit, we must fight to redirect or replace it. The reins of that power must always remain in the hands of the people, to prevent its degeneration. Socialism is a movement, a permanent change, not a fixed model of society, state, or government.<\/span><\/p>\n

Prolonged resistance is synonymous with success, but only up to a point. The cost of the siege can lead to defeat. Systematic attrition can slowly work in favor of capitalist restoration, not only through the formation of objective and common-sense factors, but also through the creation of social sectors inclined toward it, who would view it as desirable and preferable. A revolution is not undertaken for the sake of indefinite resistance and sacrifice, nor to replace one order of domination with another, even if of a different nature, but to bring freedom, justice, and well-being to all people through their conscious mobilization.<\/span><\/p>\n

To accomplish tasks of such magnitude, socialism needs, for a limited time, a state apparatus of coercion, violence, and consensus that allows for the defeat of internal and external reaction and the organization of all of society toward an unprecedented elevation of the productive forces and the creation of a new culture, but this apparatus must begin to disappear from day one and must be in the hands of the workers from the very beginning.<\/span><\/p>\n

The resistance capacity of the Cuban people and the revolution seems to depend on the advancement of that same revolution. What measures is the leadership of the Communist Party of Cuba taking today to deepen the socialist transformation and strengthen resistance against imperialism? You point out that one of the biggest obstacles to these measures is the blockade, noting that \u201cwhile digging trenches on one hand, you are trying to establish a parliament on the other.\u201d<\/b><\/p>\n

Cintio Vitier\u2019s metaphor about our need to build a parliament in a trench serves to illustrate the constant tension between power and the project, which, according to Fernando Mart\u00ednez Heredia, is the fundamental contradiction in any experience of socialist transition.<\/span><\/p>\n

The trench is necessary, even more so in a process like Cuba\u2019s, 90 miles from the United States, where unity has been fundamental to resisting nearly seven decades of attacks from the most powerful empire in history. But at times, that necessity has also served as a justification for the trench to swallow up the parliament, and it becomes a convenient argument for those in power, who can label any differing opinion as divisive or fifth-columnist.<\/span><\/p>\n

Among the negative and perverse impacts of the blockade and imperialist hostility, we must always include the limitations on our democratic functioning. While prioritizing the trenches over parliament may yield short-term benefits in defending the revolutionary process, because it allows those in charge greater control over internal order, prevents cracks from forming, and effectively counters the enemy\u2019s work, it is harmful in the long run to socialist construction, which needs workers\u2019 democracy and control from below as much as the human body needs oxygen to function and move forward.<\/span><\/p>\n

Fidel\u2019s leadership, with its charisma and historical legitimacy, was a major factor in the balance between these two poles, between power and the project. Under current conditions, of economic hardship, the intensification of the blockade and enemy activity, and growing social unrest, and now without Fidel\u2019s physical presence, there is a risk of entrenchment and of believing that the most effective way to ensure the defense and continuity of the Revolution is through the strictest political control, which views any divergent opinion with suspicion and sees it as a threat.<\/span><\/p>\n

In a closed environment, marked by bureaucratic control and a trench mentality with no room for debate, where criticism and dissent are viewed as dangerous, corruption, inefficiency, and reactionary thinking flourish; and calls for unity to defend sovereignty and collective achievements often serve, in reality, to mask the defense of the privileges and interests of powerful groups, which thus shield themselves from the scrutinizing and watchful gaze of the rank and file.<\/span><\/p>\n

What is the position of young people born during Cuba\u2019s post-Soviet \u201cspecial period\u201d regarding the threat of an American invasion? You insist that the Cuban Revolution is not a finished project, and the improvement of material conditions on an individual basis is not a solution for the shortcomings of the Revolution. What could be done in front of a gargantuan, and a permanent invasion threat, to raise up the spirit of the communist utopia?<\/b><\/p>\n

Despite the blackouts, shortages, and intense pressure, the overwhelming majority of the Cuban people have decided to continue resisting. The survival of socialism in Cuba also depends on the success of revolutionary movements in other parts of the world.\u00a0<\/span><\/p>\n

Cuba lacks significant natural resources, no viable oil reserves, no major rivers, and no rare earth minerals that might attract direct invasions for their extraction, which makes its example of resistance all the more remarkable.<\/span><\/p>\n

The economic situation has caused unrest, as evidenced by the protests on July 11, 2021. This event was a \u201cperfect storm\u201d: the pandemic, the tightening of the blockade, food shortages, and a massive social media propaganda campaign funded from abroad with federal funds, using influencers and YouTubers to incite an uprising. However, a majority of the population took to the streets to defend the Revolution, understanding that the alternative, a return to neocolonial capitalism, would be worse, as demonstrated by the cases of Haiti, Puerto Rico, or the Dominican Republic, where there are power outages, even without a blockade, and levels of violence unknown in Cuba.<\/span><\/p>\n

Migration is exploited politically by the United States through the Cuban Adjustment Act, which encourages illegal emigration to destabilize the country. Cubans are encouraged to \u201cflee\u201d illegally to propagandistically portray them as escaping a dictatorship, when in reality they emigrate for economic reasons exacerbated by the blockade.<\/span><\/p>\n

Despite the difficulties, mechanisms for popular participation exist in Cuba. Candidates for municipal assemblies are elected by direct vote in neighborhoods without party intervention. Laws, such as the Family Code\u00b2<\/span>, recently approved with 70% support following an intense public debate, are discussed in all workplaces and communities. While there are bureaucratic limitations justified by the need for unity against the external enemy, a single party to prevent division that would benefit the empire, there is an effort to deepen a socialist, direct, and participatory democracy.<\/span><\/p>\n

What truly bothers the hegemonic power and explains its relentless hostility toward Cuba is that on this island a way of life has been put into practice that has proven to be far more just, humane, and dignified than that found in other parts of the world. A way of life where equality, healthcare, education, and housing are guaranteed for all under a socialist model of a planned national economy.<\/span><\/p>\n

The very existence of Cuba, ninety miles from the United States, is a dangerous example that the empire seeks to destroy at all costs so that it does not spread to the rest of Latin America and the world. The very fact that the blockade exists is tangible proof of the superiority of the Cuban example; if socialism were so inefficient, the United States could lift the blockade and let the revolution fail on its own, but they do not do so because they need the blockade as an excuse to justify the shortages.<\/span><\/p>\n

The main way out of Cuba\u2019s crisis is international solidarity and the advancement of the global revolutionary movement. Socialism cannot be fully built in a single isolated country. Meanwhile, Cuba remains a beacon of hope, demonstrating that it is possible to prioritize human beings over business, even under pressure from the empire. The Cuban utopia is a reality that resists and continues to advance. The Cuban people are clear that they do not want to return to the slavery of capitalism and subordination to imperialism, and they are willing to pay whatever price is necessary for their dignity, sovereignty, and social justice.<\/span><\/p>\n

Frank Josu\u00e9 Solar Cabrales (Santiago de Cuba, 1981). Essayist and researcher. Bachelor\u2019s degree in History (2005) and Master\u2019s degree in Cuban and Caribbean Studies (2007) from the University of Oriente; Ph.D. in Historical Sciences (University of Havana, 2016). Historian at the University of Oriente. Full Professor in the Department of History and University Heritage at the University of Oriente. Vice President of the Scientific Council of the University of Oriente. Member of the Leonardo Gri\u00f1\u00e1n Peralta Chair of Historical Studies of the State and Law, and President of the Honorary Chair for the Study of the Thought and Work of Fidel Castro at the University of Oriente. Member of the National Union of Writers and Artists of Cuba (UNEAC) and of the National Committee of the Union of Historians of Cuba (UNHIC). Associate researcher at the Office of Historical Affairs of the Presidency of the Republic of Cuba. National corresponding member of the Cuban Academy of History. Member of the La Tizza publishing collective. \u201cJuan P\u00e9rez de la Riva\u201d Historical-Social Essay Award (UNEAC), 2017. \u201cRamiro Guerra\u201d National Historical Criticism Award (UNHIC), 2021. \u201cHortensia Pichardo\u201d National Historical Criticism Award (UNHIC), 2023. Scientific and Technical Criticism Award (ICL), 2023. He has published <\/span><\/i>The Labyrinths of Unity in Insurrect Cuba<\/span> (2019), <\/span><\/i>Between the Letter and the Assault<\/span> (2021), <\/span><\/i>Stories of Rebellion<\/span> (2021), and <\/span><\/i>July 26: The Assault That Set the Clouds Ablaze<\/span> (2023)<\/span><\/i>.<\/span><\/p>\n

\n

\u00b9 One of the generals of the Cuban Liberation Army, which fought for independence from Spain and the abolition of slavery. The famous quote attributed to Maceo is as follows: \u201cWhoever tries to take power over Cuba will only get the dust of its soil, drenched in blood, if he doesn\u2019t perish in the struggle.\u201d (Editor\u2019s note)
\n\u00b2 On September 25, 2022, Cuba approved a new Family Code in a referendum, repealing the one in place since 1975. The period of public debate around the new Family Code began in 2018, and the new code includes more rights for women and legalizes same-sex marriages. (Editor\u2019s note)<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The Cuban Revolution, which succeeded with Batista\u2019s flight on January 1, 1959, is striving to preserve its socialist character despite the U.S. blockade, which has reached genocidal proportions. Imperialist attempts at invasion, which reached their peak with the Bay of Pigs intervention, have been significantly \u201cspiced up\u201d with elements such as biological attacks, assassinations, economic […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":14,"featured_media":14316,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"ep_exclude_from_search":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[174],"tags":[955,17674,17672,1373,1407,17671,1559,544,17673,2924,714,17675,13547,1765,11350,159,1374,1406,2502],"class_list":["post-14315","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-interview","tag-capitalism","tag-che","tag-comecon","tag-communism","tag-cuba","tag-cuban-revolution","tag-electricity","tag-energy-crisis","tag-fidel","tag-imperialism","tag-latin-america","tag-peoples-war","tag-socialism","tag-soviet-union","tag-us-blockade","tag-usa","tag-ussr","tag-venezuela","tag-working-class"],"yoast_head":"\n\u201cThe Cuban people are making it clear that they do not want to return to the bondage of capitalism\u201d - Harici<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"Frank Josu\u00e9 Solar Cabrales, a 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