published<\/a><\/span> in the Financial Times (FT) points to countries that cannot set the broader international agenda but are nevertheless capable of making a difference.<\/p>\nArguing that these states can be defined as “mini-middle powers”, the article provides the following definition: states that generally possess limited power, but exert real influence in a few areas such as energy, transport routes, regional security, mediation, finance, technology, geography, or access to actors that major powers find difficult to reach.<\/p>\n
Noting that the crucial factor is not merely possessing one of these advantages, but being able to leverage it, the FT counts Azerbaijan, Qatar, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, and Oman among these mini-middle powers.<\/p>\n
The assessment points out that Qatar and Oman are mini-middle powers in diplomatic terms: Qatar has converted its natural gas wealth, financial clout, and access to hard-to-reach actors into an extraordinary diplomatic role.<\/p>\n
Oman, meanwhile, relies on “common sense, its strategic location, and its ability to keep channels open between adversaries.”<\/p>\n
For both countries, mediation is not merely a diplomatic role, but also a source of influence.<\/p>\n
Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan, on the other hand, possess influence rooted in geography and infrastructure. Azerbaijan exports energy, sits astride east-west trade routes, and holds significant weight in South Caucasus politics and security.<\/p>\n
Kazakhstan’s oil, uranium, and position between Russia and China give the country an influence that extends beyond its region.<\/p>\n
Uzbekistan’s demographic weight as Central Asia’s most populous country, combined with its central position, provides it with growing influence in regional trade and diplomacy.<\/p>\n
The Middle Corridor demonstrates how this functions. While Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan sit at the centre of this Asia-Europe route, Uzbekistan is also strengthening its links with the corridor.<\/p>\n
Although this route is more arduous than the northern route passing through Russia, it offers an alternative to governments and businesses.<\/p>\n
The three countries are also developing a Caspian green energy corridor that could transport renewable energy generated in Central Asia through Azerbaijan and connect to the planned Black Sea electricity cable extending to Europe.<\/p>\n
According to the FT, discussions regarding the South Caucasus and Central Asia are still too often treated as a rivalry between Russia, China, and the West.<\/p>\n
Yet this approach overlooks how many countries in the region function. Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan maintain multidirectional relations because relying on a single side presents risks for geographic, commercial, and security reasons.<\/p>\n
Consequently, while attempting to maintain room for manoeuvre among them, these countries cooperate with Russia, China, T\u00fcrkiye, the EU, and the US.<\/p>\n
Qatar and Oman, despite having close security ties with Washington, also keep channels open with adversaries of the US.<\/p>\n
In December 2024, after Russian air defence systems shot down an Azerbaijan Airlines passenger plane, Baku’s response was unusually sharp given the power imbalance.<\/p>\n
While Baku demanded that Moscow accept responsibility, punish those at fault, and pay compensation, it also sought to maintain overall relations without disruption.<\/p>\n
Russia subsequently acknowledged the contribution of its air defence systems to the crash and agreed to pay compensation.<\/p>\n
The influence of these “mini-middle powers” becomes strongest when other countries require the resources under their control.<\/p>\n
Azerbaijan’s oil and natural gas gain even greater importance when buyers seek alternative supply sources.<\/p>\n
The Middle Corridor benefited from the disruption of trade passing through Russia; however, governments along the route are aware that should Western commercial relations with Russia resume, some freight could shift back north.<\/p>\n
For Qatar and Oman, mediation becomes even more valuable when the parties themselves no longer speak directly to one another.<\/p>\n
The FT article concludes:<\/p>\n
“These countries will not set the terms of the next international order. But those who wish to shape that order will often remain dependent on their routes, resources, or diplomatic access. Major powers will find it difficult to succeed without their cooperation.”<\/p>\n
<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
As an international order emerges in which “middle powers” seek to come to the fore alongside the relative decline of the US, “mini-middle powers” may also be coming to light. An assessment published in the Financial Times (FT) points to countries that cannot set the broader international agenda but are nevertheless capable of making a […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":16116,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"ep_exclude_from_search":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[175],"tags":[570,4447,292,21179,1300,529,963,3865,610,302,21178,503,2461,9392,2464,15725,21177,971,4288,1144,7757,866,683,10348,21180,409,16799,821,2033,321],"class_list":["post-16115","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-diplomacy","tag-azerbaijan","tag-azerbaijan-airlines","tag-baku","tag-caspian-green-energy-corridor","tag-central-asia","tag-china","tag-diplomacy","tag-energy-security","tag-eu","tag-financial-times","tag-ft","tag-headline","tag-kazakhstan","tag-mediation","tag-middle-corridor","tag-middle-powers","tag-mini-middle-powers","tag-moscow","tag-natural-gas","tag-oil","tag-oman","tag-qatar","tag-russia","tag-south-caucasus","tag-transit-routes","tag-turkiye","tag-uranium","tag-us","tag-uzbekistan","tag-washington"],"yoast_head":"\n
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