On 24 September, the Institute of Global Studies of Shanghai University organised a workshop on ‘T\u00fcrkiye’s Re-Asia Initiative’.<\/p>\n
Moderated by Prof. Guo Changgang, Director of the Centre for Turkish Studies at Shanghai University, the workshop discussed China and T\u00fcrkiye’s foreign policies, the rising global South, the BRICS agenda and T\u00fcrkiye’s membership bid.<\/p>\n
Opening the event, Prof. Guo Changgang said: “As Ankara is applying to join BRICS, it is a good time to talk about T\u00fcrkiye’s Asia policy,” highlighting the Re-Asia Initiative.<\/p>\n
“T\u00fcrkiye’s efforts to join the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) and participate in ASEAN show that T\u00fcrkiye has adopted a ‘pendulum’ position between the West and the East,” said Prof. Dr. G\u00fcrol Baba of Ankara Social Sciences University. G\u00fcrol Baba said T\u00fcrkiye’s move to join BRICS will make it a more ‘visible’ actor in the region: “T\u00fcrkiye is an active middle power. It should cooperate with like-minded powers. For example, T\u00fcrkiye is a founding member of the MIKTA group. BRICS is also a place where T\u00fcrkiye can find like-minded countries. Baba said T\u00fcrkiye wanted to keep East and West together in its foreign policy.<\/p>\n
Prof Zou Zhigiang of Fudan University said: ‘T\u00fcrkiye is changing its Asia policy. This is because an Asia that is economically and technologically confident, competitive and rising in every sense cannot be ignored. T\u00fcrkiye is currently seeking to increase its engagement in the region. President Erdo\u011fan attended the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in 2022 for the first time as a NATO country. It has also been confirmed that T\u00fcrkiye has applied to join BRICS,” he said. Prof Zou summed up why T\u00fcrkiye attaches such importance to Asia in 4 points:<\/p>\n
Accumulated frustration with the West and the European Union. It is now clear that T\u00fcrkiye’s EU membership will not happen in the near future.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n
T\u00fcrkiye is seeking strategic autonomy. It wants to be a central power in the world and pursue a balanced policy. It wants to be a centre between East and West and not give up its NATO membership.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n
The growing global influence and attractiveness of the SCO and BRICS.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n
T\u00fcrkiye’s domestic economy faces challenges. New economic markets and capital inflows are vital for T\u00fcrkiye.<\/p>\n<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n
Prof Zhou Shixin of the Shanghai Institute of International Studies commented on China’s Asia policy:<\/p>\n
“China is seen by the US as the biggest threat, so it is blocked and ostracised by the US and some of its allies. China-US relations are one of the most important factors driving the regional power shift and order transition in the Asia-Pacific. China is expanding its presence and increasing its influence in the Asia-Pacific. China is acting as a modern and sovereign country, making great efforts to defend its territorial integrity and sovereign independence and to achieve national reunification. China also seeks peaceful and equal coexistence and interaction with the US, but does not seek to coerce the US. China seeks to strengthen security and economic relations with more regional countries on the basis of the principles of ‘friendship, sincerity, mutual benefit and inclusiveness’. China seeks to manage and resolve territorial disputes with its neighbours primarily through bilateral diplomatic consultations and negotiations”.<\/p>\n
Commenting on T\u00fcrkiye’s Asia Re-entry Initiative, Prof. Zhou said that Ankara has demonstrated its willingness to pursue a multi-dimensional foreign policy based on the Strategic Depth Doctrine and made the following suggestions: “T\u00fcrkiye can focus more on Southeast Asia rather than South Asia and Northeast Asia, T\u00fcrkiye can interact with Asia-Pacific countries as a sovereign country, not as a NATO member, even with Japan and South Korea. T\u00fcrkiye could promote more economic cooperation rather than security cooperation, T\u00fcrkiye could apply to join the ASEAN Regional Forum as an Asian country, and T\u00fcrkiye could negotiate more free trade agreements with Asia-Pacific countries beyond South Korea (1 May 2013), Malaysia (1 August 2015) and Singapore (1 October 2017) before joining the EU. As a result, China is willing to help T\u00fcrkiye further coordinate with some regional countries.”<\/p>\n
Prof Zhou Yiqi of the Shanghai Institute of International Studies spoke about China’s Middle East policy:<\/p>\n
“There are four major parties in the Middle East: Arab countries, Israel, Iran and T\u00fcrkiye. China has strengthened its relations with most of the major powers there. However, T\u00fcrkiye remains the only party that has not yet signed a partnership agreement with China. Diplomatic relations between the two: Strategic Cooperation Relations. Although relations between China and Israel are rather poor, there is still a relationship of innovative partnership. In addition, China has successfully negotiated the conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia. China’s partnership between these two countries has become a bridge that brings them together.<\/p>\n
The traditional stereotype is that China is only interested in economic issues and is a free rider on security in the region. However, after its mediation between Iran and Saudi Arabia and its efforts to bring peace to Gaza, China has become an active player in Middle East security issues. However, this still differs from US efforts to use the alliance as a bargaining chip. China has always been quite fair in the Middle East, which has earned it trust. But it is also on the side of justice, for example on the Palestinian issue.”<\/p>\n
Commenting on T\u00fcrkiye’s Re-Asia Initiative, Prof. Zhou Yiqi said: “I think it is important for T\u00fcrkiye to improve its relations with China, because China-T\u00fcrkiye relations are even weaker than China-Israel relations. China is looking for stability in the face of apparent uncertainty. But I don’t understand why the foreign minister went back to T\u00fcrkiye and suddenly raised taxes on electric cars imported from China. Such issues have become a hot topic on Chinese social media and this is definitely not positive for people-to-people understanding,” he said.<\/p>\n
Dr Sel\u00e7uk Ayd\u0131n of Bo\u011fazi\u00e7i University commented on T\u00fcrkiye’s relations with Asia:<\/p>\n
“The origins of modern T\u00fcrkiye go back to the early 19th century. The biggest event of that period was the abolition of the Janissaries. In other words, while the Ottoman Empire was undergoing a transformation, this process was expressed with a ‘new’ term. If we look back to the 1920s, there were again discussions about ‘New T\u00fcrkiye’. When Erdo\u011fan came to power, all the news was about ‘New T\u00fcrkiye’. In fact, Asia is nothing new for T\u00fcrkiye; it already has historical, cultural and religious links. I think Dr Serdar has been working on Uighur and Xinjiang issues. Historically, this region has been very connected and interacted with T\u00fcrkiye.<\/p>\n
Secondly, T\u00fcrkiye’s participation in the Belt and Road Initiative is a great initiative. There is a mystery in T\u00fcrkiye about China and in China about T\u00fcrkiye. How is T\u00fcrkiye perceived? For China, the concept of T\u00fcrkiye is probably limited to NATO. Then there is the Xinjiang issue. There are two important issues that hinder T\u00fcrkiye’s cooperation with China.<\/p>\n
The first step we need to discuss is T\u00fcrkiye’s dissatisfaction with what the US is forcing it to do in the Middle East. Especially the Syria incident. That was a turning point in diplomacy. Another example is the FETO case. Gulen had a close relationship with the US and there was a coup attempt. After this incident, T\u00fcrkiye’s diplomatic direction changed. After the Arab Spring, T\u00fcrkiye realised that the US did not support liberal movements in the Middle East, but only focused on its own interests. Subsequently, T\u00fcrkiye became more involved in Middle Eastern affairs, for example by mobilising its military abroad in Syria, Azerbaijan and elsewhere.<\/p>\n
We need to analyse T\u00fcrkiye’s foreign policy from these perspectives. First, history, which is also intertwined with religion. The Ottoman Empire was the centre of the Caliphate. The second is the racial dimension, which also bears traces of the late Ottoman Empire. Turkish consulates are therefore the main pillar of Turkish foreign policy. The third pillar of Turkish policy is the promotion of a non-Western approach. This is related to the foundations of modern T\u00fcrkiye and is very anti-colonialist. At the same time, T\u00fcrkiye is geographically close to Western countries and has historically cooperated with them.<\/p>\n
T\u00fcrkiye’s neighbours are often in civil war or conflict. So T\u00fcrkiye has to look to Asia, because China has incredible lessons to teach in that region. China may be the only superpower that wants peace in the Middle East.”<\/p>\n
Commenting on T\u00fcrkiye-China relations, Dr Serdar Yurt\u00e7i\u00e7ek said:<\/p>\n
“Professor Yiqi mentioned that there are four important powers in the Middle East (T\u00fcrkiye, Arabia, Iran and Israel) and although China has very good relations with three of them, it has not been able to improve its relations with T\u00fcrkiye. The reason for this is the Uighur issue, as Sel\u00e7uk mentioned earlier. Since 2016, I have been living in China and researching T\u00fcrkiye’s China policy. During this time, I have met many Chinese academics and politicians. The conclusion I have drawn from my experience and research is that the most important issue between T\u00fcrkiye and China is the Uyghur issue, and unless this issue is resolved, all other areas of cooperation cannot be built in a relationship of mutual trust. Last year, former ambassador Emin \u00d6nen said: ‘There is mutual understanding on 99 points in T\u00fcrkiye-China relations, but let’s not agree on one point. This should not hinder the development of bilateral relations’. Prof. Yang Chen said that China wants to improve its relations with T\u00fcrkiye, but this point is as important as the other 99 points and the two countries should keep their mutual promises. That point is the Uighur issue. And it is clear that Turkish academics and politicians do not understand how important the Xinjiang issue is for China and that it is a non-negotiable issue in terms of national sovereignty.<\/p>\n
After the Second World War, Turkish-Chinese relations developed largely within the foreign policy boundaries drawn by the United States. In particular, the fight against China in the Korean Civil War and T\u00fcrkiye’s eventual accession to NATO led to Uighur figures such as Isa Yusuf Alptekin and Mehmet Emin Bu\u011fra defecting to T\u00fcrkiye, making T\u00fcrkiye a centre for anti-China Uighur separatist organisations. Even diplomatic relations between T\u00fcrkiye and China only started after the US established diplomatic relations with China.<\/p>\n
The situation was no different before the Second World War. T\u00fcrkiye prioritised its friendship with the Soviets in its foreign policy and was wary of taking any steps that might anger the Soviets. For example, in 1944, T\u00fcrkiye and the Republic of China almost signed a treaty of friendship, but T\u00fcrkiye cancelled the treaty at the last minute so as not to anger the Soviets. This was because T\u00fcrkiye had serious problems with the Soviets, especially the issue of the Straits Convention. The situation was similar in China. Xinjiang was largely under Soviet control. According to a Turkish diplomat, if a Chinese official wanted to go to Xinjiang, he first had to get permission from the Soviet consul in Kashgar.<\/p>\n
Today, for the first time, there is a possibility of strategic relations between China and T\u00fcrkiye without the shadow of a third country. T\u00fcrkiye’s application for BRICS membership should be seen in this context.”<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"
On 24 September, the Institute of Global Studies of Shanghai University organised a workshop on ‘T\u00fcrkiye’s Re-Asia Initiative’. Moderated by Prof. Guo Changgang, Director of the Centre for Turkish Studies at Shanghai University, the workshop discussed China and T\u00fcrkiye’s foreign policies, the rising global South, the BRICS agenda and T\u00fcrkiye’s membership bid. Opening the event, […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":5532,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"ep_exclude_from_search":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[4],"tags":[1436,529,610,207,3033,409,1192],"class_list":["post-5531","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-asia","tag-brics","tag-china","tag-eu","tag-nato","tag-shanghai-university","tag-turkiye","tag-united-states"],"yoast_head":"\n