Beijing Declaration offers new hope for Middle East peace

Prof. Ma Xiaolin

China Zhejiang International Studies University
Director of the Institute for Mediterranean Studies

On 23 July in Beijing, 14 Palestinian factions signed the Beijing Declaration on Ending Division and Strengthening Palestinian National Unity (the Beijing Declaration). This is another milestone in China’s Middle East diplomacy, following the historic reconciliation between Saudi Arabia and Iran in March last year, which was widely praised by the international community, and has created new opportunities and renewed hope for the difficult and tortuous Middle East peace process.

This is the first time in the history of the Palestine National Liberation Movement (Fatah), the Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) and Islamic Jihad, all world-renowned groups, that they have come together outside their own borders in the context of major consultations, compromises and commitments to national unity, which is rare in the history of the Palestinian national independence movement. It is also unprecedented in the 31 years since the signing of the Oslo Accords between Palestine and Israel and will go down in the political and diplomatic history of the Middle East and the world.

The Beijing Declaration has put a distinctive Chinese stamp on the promotion of the resolution of the Middle East conflict, especially the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. The latest fruit of China’s great power diplomacy, multilateral diplomacy and peace diplomacy is another masterpiece of China’s efforts to embody the responsibilities of a great power, fulfil its international obligations and promote world peace and development, and a creative contribution to China’s deep and active participation in Middle East governance. It proves that China has the determination, capability, strategy and means to provide public services under the Chinese brand in dealing with regional issues.

In accordance with the current Palestinian constitution, it was agreed to form an interim government of national reconciliation, rebuild the Gaza Strip and prepare for general elections as soon as possible, establish a new National Council (legislature), activate the institutions and operational mechanisms of interim unity and collective leadership, and fully implement the provisions of the Joint Decision and Declaration with a timetable.

Wang Yi, member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China and Minister of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China, summed up the value of the Beijing Declaration by pointing out that the resolution of the current Israeli-Palestinian conflict requires a ‘ceasefire in Gaza’. The three steps to resolving the current Palestinian-Israeli conflict are a ‘ceasefire in Gaza’, ‘Palestinian governance by Palestinians’ and ‘accelerated accession to the United Nations’. Observers believe that the Beijing Declaration removes two major obstacles: The acceptance of the two-state solution by Hamas and other radical groups, and the recognition of the PLO as the supreme authority and sole legitimate representative, uniting the various factions for the first time in their aspirations for statehood and political leadership.

The announcement from Beijing shook the world like a spring thunderbolt and was welcomed by many. The United Nations, the European Union, the Arab League, Turkey, Pakistan, Malaysia and other international organisations and important countries have expressed their support for the reconciliation efforts of the Palestinian factions and appreciated the unique and constructive role played by China.

Since the emergence of the Palestinian problem, the Arab countries and Israel have entered a long period of war and conflict, and the Palestinian resistance movement has developed into many factions under the influence of a certain historical background and complex internal and external factors. After the end of the Cold War, the world and the Middle East changed drastically, and the PLO, dominated by Fatah and long in exile, seized the opportunity to reach the “Oslo Accords” with Israel and tried to realise the “two-state solution” by negotiating the final status after the transition to autonomy and the establishment of a secular Palestinian state. Hamas and Jihad, which combine theocratic and nationalist ideologies, continue their armed and violent struggle, rejecting the Oslo Accords and refusing to recognise Israel’s existence.

As the peace process continues to stall and regress, the differences in the goals, strategies, means and guiding ideologies of Fatah and Hamas in their game against Israel are becoming more and more apparent, and Israel has deliberately created divisions, hostilities and frictions among the Palestinian factions through its “mowing the lawn” strategy and “divide and rule” tactics; This has led to the emergence of two centres of power in Palestine and a serious internal conflict, while at the same time giving the right-wing Israeli forces the opportunity to refuse to continue negotiations and to continue encroaching on the Occupied Territories.

The Beijing Declaration is expected to put an end to the chaos between Palestinian factions and politics, bring coordination and unity between the political, military and legal orders, set the demands, principles and strategies for negotiations with Israel, increase the strength of the nation as a whole and build a strong voice against Israel.

However, there are also serious challenges to the successful implementation of the Beijing Declaration. The US and Israel still refuse to recognise the legitimacy of Hamas and other factions, and right-wing forces in Israel are particularly fearful of achieving Palestinian national unity and unity of front, and are therefore doomed to remain passive and even resistant to an inclusive interim Palestinian governance system. Although Fatah and Hamas have agreed to reconciliation and cooperation on several occasions, a lack of sincerity has ultimately prevented a solution. In addition, the public opinion bases of the two factions have long since been reversed and the National Council has long been paralysed, seriously undermining the PLO’s prestige. So there is still a long way to go in terms of integrating the Palestinian forces.

It is known that the implementation of the Beijing Declaration will be supervised by China and Russia, traditionally friendly to Palestine and permanent members of the Security Council, as well as by Egypt and Algeria, the two major Arab countries that have long supported the Palestinian cause, and a road map will undoubtedly be drawn up that will allow the various factions to have a ‘chemical reaction’ and blend the two.

As the Beijing consensus turns the dream into reality, it must be recognised that the Palestinian question is at the heart of the conflicts in the Middle East, including Israel’s territorial disputes with Lebanon and Syria. Even a simple solution to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict requires a positive response from Israel, positive energy from the United States and other major countries, and concerted efforts within the framework of United Nations resolutions and organisations.

Whether the Beijing Declaration, a new seed of hope sown by the Chinese government and the Palestinian factions for a peaceful and prosperous environment, can germinate, blossom and bear fruit in the conflict-ridden Middle East depends on the collective will of the Palestinian factions, the two-way march of the parties to the conflict and the strong will to strive for a lasting, just and comprehensive peace, the wisdom and great courage of the people.

* Prof Ma, who knows the Middle East well, has worked for many years as a senior Xinhua correspondent in Kuwait, Palestine and Iraq. His academic studies focus on the Middle East, Arab geography and China-Middle East relations.