Europe
CDU ally Kretschmer sparks row by urging coalition talks with far-right AfD
Michael Kretschmer, a key ally of Friedrich Merz, has ignited a fierce political debate after suggesting that conservatives should cooperate with Alternative for Germany (AfD).
Kretschmer, the premier of Saxony and a prominent member of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), is directly challenging Merz’s insistence on maintaining a political “firewall” (Brandmauer) against the surging AfD ahead of critical September elections that could see the party capture a state premiership for the first time.
“Those who still talk about firewalls have not recognized the signs of the times. We must talk to everyone who wants to talk,” Kretschmer, who heads a minority government in Saxony, said in an interview with the newspaper Handelsblatt earlier this week.
According to Politico, Kretschmer’s remarks have inflamed the very tensions Merz has spent months working to contain.
Merz refuses to cooperate with the far right, citing Germany’s Nazi past. However, political realities in eastern Germany are exerting mounting pressure on him to reconsider this stance.
Polls indicate that the AfD has a viable chance of securing an absolute majority in Saxony-Anhalt on Sept. 6, while also being positioned for strong performances in Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania and Berlin later that month.
At the national level, Politico’s Poll of Polls places the AfD as the most popular party with 28% support, compared to 22% for the Christian Democrats.
For now, Merz remains firm in his position, maintaining that Germany bears a “special historical responsibility” and therefore cannot follow the path of other EU member states where the far right collaborates with the centrist mainstream.
Speaking to reporters at a news conference, the Chancellor stated:
“An extreme-right party entering government in Germany carries an entirely different meaning than if it were to happen in another country. This is tied to our history, which is why it serves as neither a benchmark, an example, nor a lesson for me to draw from. It is, quite simply, a different situation. I will do everything in my power to prevent this in Germany.”
Instead, Merz argued that the government’s objective must be to foster an environment in which the far right can be defeated.
“Between now and Sept. 6, we will work to facilitate and ensure stable political conditions in both Saxony-Anhalt and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania,” Merz said.
Yet the reality on the ground in the campaign battlegrounds reveals that the AfD leads all rival parties by a wide margin in the eastern states of Saxony-Anhalt (41%) and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania (36%).
The territory of the former German Democratic Republic (GDR) has long functioned as a stronghold for the right. It is also where the AfD’s party apparatus and policy positions are at their most radical.
Regional party branches in four of the five eastern German states are officially classified as “extremist right-wing” organizations by domestic intelligence agencies.
In Saxony-Anhalt, polling places the party within range of winning an absolute parliamentary majority.
Such an outcome would enable the party to assume state-level power for the first time since its founding in 2013.
Even if the AfD falls short of an absolute majority in Saxony-Anhalt, Merz’s conservatives face a difficult political dynamic in September: to keep the far right from power, they would be forced to cooperate with the Left Party (Die Linke).
The Left Party is also exceptionally strong in the east, and conservatives continue to maintain a “firewall” against it as well, anchored in a formal 2018 party convention resolution.
Addressing potential cooperation with the Left Party last week, Merz said: “We have clear party congress resolutions on this matter, and I have no reason to doubt that we will abide by them.”
However, regional politicians within his own party are increasingly questioning whether such pledges can be sustained given the strength of parties at both ends of the political spectrum.
Kretschmer’s comments are widely viewed as an attempt to initiate a debate on how to govern after the September elections without abandoning campaign pledges entirely or further damaging the CDU’s credibility.
This initiative has met resistance from party leadership in Berlin.
Steffen Bilger, a deputy leader of the CDU parliamentary group in the Bundestag, told Deutschlandfunk on Thursday:
“We are currently in the middle of a fierce political struggle in three states, specifically with or against the AfD. Rather than opening up discussions of this nature right now, that is where our focus should remain.”
Meanwhile, politicians from the Social Democratic Party (SPD) have demanded clarity from their federal coalition partners.
The SPD’s lead candidate for the Berlin election urged the CDU to “state clearly” whether it still rules out regional cooperation with the AfD, while simultaneously calling on the party to open itself to the far left.
Steffen Krach, the SPD head of the Hanover region, said: “The CDU must finally acknowledge that it can cooperate with the Left Party, because it is already doing so,” pointing to the minority governments the party formed in Saxony and Thuringia.
“Anyone who demonizes the Left Party today and equates it with the AfD is deceiving the electorate,” the SPD politician added.
For its part, the AfD has adopted a composed stance amid the ongoing controversy, declaring through a spokesperson to German news outlets that the party remains open to talks with anyone willing to engage.
However, Torben Braga, an AfD lawmaker from the eastern state of Thuringia, argued that given the party’s current strength, supporting a minority government in Saxony-Anhalt after the September elections would not serve its strategic interests.
“I do not understand why a party like the AfD, which is polling near an absolute majority, should settle for enabling a minority government to stay in power by providing a majority without participating in executive decisions,” Braga said. “That would not be in the interest of our voters.”
Europe
Most EU citizens reject fast-track Ukraine accession, poll finds
An opinion survey conducted across the European Union has revealed that 53% of bloc citizens oppose admitting Ukraine to the EU through an accelerated process in the coming years.
According to the study carried out by the Bertelsmann Foundation, 47% of EU residents support the idea of fast-track membership.
The most pronounced opposition to rapid accession was recorded in Romania at 60%, followed by Germany at 59%, and France and Poland at 57% each.
The lowest resistance to Ukraine’s accelerated membership was found in Sweden at 31%. This figure stood at 37% in Spain and Portugal, and remained at 43% in the Netherlands.
Domestic support for the process remains exceptionally high; 83% of the public in Ukraine want to join the bloc as soon as possible.
Europeans differ over defence contributions and strategic benefits
The survey also examined perceptions regarding the defence of the continent. Some 58% of Ukrainians believe that their “resistance against Russia’s military campaign protects the entire continent and the EU as a whole.”
In contrast, 29% of bloc citizens share the view that the EU and its member states contribute more to defending the union than Ukraine does.
While 23% of participants view the efforts of both sides as equal, the share of those who consider Ukraine to be the bloc’s “primary protector” remains at 16%.
The study also indicates that low expectations concerning the tangible benefits Ukraine would provide to the bloc contribute to the limited support for its membership.
Only 14% of surveyed Europeans believe that this accession will make the EU stronger and more influential on a global scale. Meanwhile, the proportion of respondents who anticipate that Ukraine’s entry will increase the bloc’s resilience was measured at 11%.
Timetable debate persists in the negotiation process
Ukraine applied for membership immediately after Russia’s military intervention and gained candidate status in 2022.
The accession process encompasses a 33-chapter reform package organised under six clusters, which aims to guarantee democratic and economic standards.
Formal accession talks began in June 2024. The negotiation process, which had long been blocked by Hungary, made progress after Peter Magyar took office as the country’s prime minister.
Magyar also succeeded in having the term “accelerated accession” for Ukraine removed from EU texts.
Magyar argued that a contrary approach would send the wrong message to Western Balkan nations, such as Serbia, Albania, Montenegro, and North Macedonia, which have worked towards membership for years.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has called for the membership process to be completed by 2027, stating that this would provide a fundamental security guarantee for both Ukraine and Europe.
On the other hand, circles within the bloc that oppose rushing the process insist on the complete fulfilment of all conditions, including anti-corruption measures.
Meanwhile, the EU Ambassador to Ukraine, Katarina Mathernova, points to 2030 as a likely accession date.
For membership to take place following the completion of negotiations, all 27 EU member states must grant unanimous approval.
So far, only the first of the six chapter clusters, covering fundamental values and principles such as the rule of law, human rights, and the judiciary, has been opened for Ukraine.
Europe
NATO unveils 32-nation defence strategy to counter adversaries
NATO Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR) Alexus Grynkewich has unveiled a new defence strategy aimed at rendering any attack against an alliance member entirely futile.
Speaking at the Warsaw Security Forum, Grynkewich said the concept, titled the “Theory of War”, is designed to prevent hostile elements from infiltrating NATO territory and waging conflict there.
Arguing that they aim to reassure the one billion people living within the alliance’s borders, Grynkewich maintained that they also wish to send a message to adversaries such as Russia that NATO is prepared for a potential invasion.
“If we are attacked, we are ready to fight even tonight,” Grynkewich said.
Three-stage defence plan enters into force
Approved by all 32 alliance members, the plan combines land forces and conventional weapons systems with advanced technologies such as unmanned aerial vehicles, counter-drone systems, and artificial intelligence.
Lessons drawn from ground and air combat in Ukraine, as well as current conflicts in the Middle East, play a decisive role in shaping the strategy.
According to Grynkewich, the new defence doctrine rests on three fundamental phases that form the core of NATO’s approach:
The first pillar of the plan, the “block” phase, focuses on preventing hostile forces from seizing allied territory.
In this context, NATO ground components will engage directly with attacking units, restrict their manoeuvrability, and neutralise forces attempting to breach alliance borders.
Should the assault continue, the second phase (“blunt”) will come into play, deploying autonomous systems requiring minimal human intervention alongside advanced sensor networks to slow the momentum of the attack and wear down advancing forces.
These systems will detect threats in real time, combining capabilities across different operational domains to halt the adversary’s advance.
The final stage, the “break” phase, will target not the attacking units directly, but the operational warfighting system that sustains them.
Command centres, supply chains, and logistics routes will be struck using long-range precision strike systems and sensor networks, eliminating the adversary’s ability to sustain military operations.
“Enemy commanders will not be able to direct their troops, their supply lines will be severed, and their logistics vehicles will be destroyed,” Grynkewich said.
Strategy aims to defend borders rather than gain territory
Noting that NATO has no intention of acquiring territory and that the strategy is entirely defence-oriented, Grynkewich said, “We have no plan, intention, or ambition beyond protecting our citizens and our territory.”
Stating that he considers the likelihood of a direct attack on alliance territory to be low, the commander nevertheless stated that they would respond without hesitation to any attempt targeting allies.
Addressing questions regarding US commitment to the alliance, Grynkewich recalled that Washington reaffirmed its adherence to Article 5 at the NATO summit in July.
Article 5, which forms the cornerstone of NATO’s collective defence principle, stipulates that an armed attack against one ally is considered an attack against all members.
Europe
Germany detains two Turkish suspects over Polish Starlink arson
Polish authorities have announced that German police detained two Turkish citizens suspected of setting fire to a Starlink station near Warsaw last month.
Tomasz Siemoniak, Poland’s minister coordinating the special services, told a news conference in Warsaw on Monday that Poland has requested the suspects’ extradition and has “no doubt” that Russian secret services were behind the arson attack.
“It should also be noted that Russian intelligence agencies are increasingly turning to people linked to the criminal underworld,” Siemoniak said at the press conference.
In a post on X, Prime Minister Donald Tusk described the incident as another “act of hybrid warfare” and said those responsible for the sabotage would be brought to justice in Poland.
Interior Minister Marcin Kierwinski said the two Turkish citizens would be charged in Poland with carrying out an act of sabotage on the orders of a foreign intelligence agency.
Power supply equipment at a Starlink ground station serving Eastern Europe, including Poland and Ukraine, caught fire on the night of 23 September.
The incident did not cause a major disruption to internet service. The blaze, however, completely destroyed the station’s electrical system and backup generator.
Poland, a key transit route for Western aid to Ukraine, has faced a series of suspicious incidents recently.
Numerous cyberattacks have targeted public utilities, including water and energy infrastructure as well as hospitals.
In addition, damage to a railway line between Warsaw and the Ukrainian border was attributed by officials to Russian sabotage.
In late July, a Russian missile also landed in Poland.
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