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Germany leads reversal of EU’s 2035 internal combustion engine ban

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Roughly two years after it came into effect, the European Union’s decision to ban gasoline vehicles by 2035 has been overturned following pressure from the German government.

Behind the reversal of this decision were Germany, home to Europe’s largest automotive industry, and the European People’s Party (EPP), the “center-right” group in the European Parliament (EP) to which both Ursula von der Leyen and German Chancellor Friedrich Merz belong.

It was their pressure that spurred the European Commission into action, as Berlin shifted from potentially abstaining in the vote to actively weakening the entire internal combustion engine ban—all within three weeks.

According to the new proposal, the ban will be replaced with a target to reduce emissions by 90% in all cars sold after 2035. This means that after 2035, a range of vehicles, including pure internal combustion engines and plug-in hybrids with both an internal combustion engine and an electric motor, will remain part of the mix.

Germany and the EPP argued that a complete ban restricted the ability of European automakers to compete and deprived consumers of their freedom of choice.

“Six months ago, it would have been unthinkable for the Commission to make this course correction,” said an EU diplomat, describing Germany’s “decisive intervention” as a turning point in the law’s fate and signaling the end of “pure electric ideology.”

Manfred Weber, president of the EPP, which won a majority in the EP in 2024, had stated that repealing the ban would be his top priority in the new term.

Weber declared victory on Tuesday, calling the reform law that reduces the 2035 emissions target from 100% to 90% a “major cut”:

“We can only succeed in the fight against climate change with an economically sensible approach. Internal combustion engines will be allowed to be sold in the European Union after 2035.”

Cars account for 16% of EU emissions, making the ban a crucial and certainly the most visible pillar of the EU’s climate policy to achieve net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050.

According to the Commission’s own calculations, reducing the emissions target to 90% means that 25% of cars sold after 2035 will still produce CO2 emissions, which corresponds to approximately 2.6 million vehicles.

The new targets are part of a broader automotive package presented by the European Commission on Tuesday. This package includes a new regulation mandating zero-emission corporate fleet targets for each EU country, a battery booster to increase supply, and a regulation that reduces bureaucratic hurdles by introducing a new small car initiative.

The aim of these measures is to support Europe’s car manufacturers, who are facing a trade war initiated by US President Donald Trump, stiff competition from Chinese rivals with high-tech electric vehicles, and stagnant sales across the bloc.

Chancellor Merz, who advocated for repealing the ban during his election campaign, adopted a more measured tone, describing the revised ban as a “clear signal” that it is “the right way to better align climate goals, market realities, companies, and employment.”

For months, Merz had been trying to persuade the ruling coalition, which brings together the conservative Christian Democrats and the center-left Social Democrats, to adopt a common position on the ban. The CDU pushed for the ban’s repeal, while the SPD wanted to preserve it.

In the end, the conservatives prevailed, demanding a regulation that strikes a balance between industrial competitiveness and climate protection.

While the Commission described it as a balanced approach that paves the way for electric vehicles to replace CO2-emitting cars, all political groups, albeit for different reasons, are calling it a disaster.

The left argues that repealing the ban will deal a blow to the climate and will not give European automakers a competitive edge.

German Green Party MEP Michael Bloss said:

“The real problem facing Europe’s car industry is not a law that will come into effect in 10 years. The problem is the collapse of European car sales in China and the continuous global decline of internal combustion engine markets. Continuing to bet on internal combustion engines is not an industry strategy; it is a failure.”

On the other hand, for the right, these measures are not enough. Volker Schnurrbusch, an MEP from Alternative for Germany (AfD), said in a parliamentary debate that the real problem is the Commission “dictating” to consumers which mode of transport to use.

The European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) described the 2035 reform law as a missed opportunity that is “far from taking the bold steps” necessary to make the sector more competitive globally.

The differing views on the repeal of the ban will continue to be debated in negotiations among EU institutions, particularly in the Council, where Cyprus, a small country without an automotive sector, is acting as an arbitrator.

France, meanwhile, is preparing for a fight. “The negotiations are just beginning,” said a Parisian official, adding that allowing internal combustion engine vehicles to be sold after 2035 is a red line for the country, even if it obtains the desired European preference conditions.

Behind the scenes, the automotive sector will continue to lobby to further weaken the regulation. The EU car lobby ACEA said in a statement, “The announced measures mandating the greening of corporate fleets risk running counter to the necessary market and incentive-based approach.”

However, the Commission is hoping for just that, and many industry officials told POLITICO that the corporate fleets measure is intended to serve as a bulwark against the repeal of the internal combustion engine ban.

Climate Commissioner Wopke Hoekstra openly admitted this in his speech to Parliament on Tuesday evening, saying, “Corporate fleets will drive the clean transition and help car manufacturers reach their targets.”

The proposal will now be debated by member states and the European Parliament.

Europe

Most EU citizens reject fast-track Ukraine accession, poll finds

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An opinion survey conducted across the European Union has revealed that 53% of bloc citizens oppose admitting Ukraine to the EU through an accelerated process in the coming years.

According to the study carried out by the Bertelsmann Foundation, 47% of EU residents support the idea of fast-track membership.

The most pronounced opposition to rapid accession was recorded in Romania at 60%, followed by Germany at 59%, and France and Poland at 57% each.

The lowest resistance to Ukraine’s accelerated membership was found in Sweden at 31%. This figure stood at 37% in Spain and Portugal, and remained at 43% in the Netherlands.

Domestic support for the process remains exceptionally high; 83% of the public in Ukraine want to join the bloc as soon as possible.

Europeans differ over defence contributions and strategic benefits

The survey also examined perceptions regarding the defence of the continent. Some 58% of Ukrainians believe that their “resistance against Russia’s military campaign protects the entire continent and the EU as a whole.”

In contrast, 29% of bloc citizens share the view that the EU and its member states contribute more to defending the union than Ukraine does.

While 23% of participants view the efforts of both sides as equal, the share of those who consider Ukraine to be the bloc’s “primary protector” remains at 16%.

The study also indicates that low expectations concerning the tangible benefits Ukraine would provide to the bloc contribute to the limited support for its membership.

Only 14% of surveyed Europeans believe that this accession will make the EU stronger and more influential on a global scale. Meanwhile, the proportion of respondents who anticipate that Ukraine’s entry will increase the bloc’s resilience was measured at 11%.

Timetable debate persists in the negotiation process

Ukraine applied for membership immediately after Russia’s military intervention and gained candidate status in 2022.

The accession process encompasses a 33-chapter reform package organised under six clusters, which aims to guarantee democratic and economic standards.

Formal accession talks began in June 2024. The negotiation process, which had long been blocked by Hungary, made progress after Peter Magyar took office as the country’s prime minister.

Magyar also succeeded in having the term “accelerated accession” for Ukraine removed from EU texts.

Magyar argued that a contrary approach would send the wrong message to Western Balkan nations, such as Serbia, Albania, Montenegro, and North Macedonia, which have worked towards membership for years.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has called for the membership process to be completed by 2027, stating that this would provide a fundamental security guarantee for both Ukraine and Europe.

On the other hand, circles within the bloc that oppose rushing the process insist on the complete fulfilment of all conditions, including anti-corruption measures.

Meanwhile, the EU Ambassador to Ukraine, Katarina Mathernova, points to 2030 as a likely accession date.

For membership to take place following the completion of negotiations, all 27 EU member states must grant unanimous approval.

So far, only the first of the six chapter clusters, covering fundamental values and principles such as the rule of law, human rights, and the judiciary, has been opened for Ukraine.

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NATO unveils 32-nation defence strategy to counter adversaries

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NATO Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR) Alexus Grynkewich has unveiled a new defence strategy aimed at rendering any attack against an alliance member entirely futile.

Speaking at the Warsaw Security Forum, Grynkewich said the concept, titled the “Theory of War”, is designed to prevent hostile elements from infiltrating NATO territory and waging conflict there.

Arguing that they aim to reassure the one billion people living within the alliance’s borders, Grynkewich maintained that they also wish to send a message to adversaries such as Russia that NATO is prepared for a potential invasion.

“If we are attacked, we are ready to fight even tonight,” Grynkewich said.

Three-stage defence plan enters into force

Approved by all 32 alliance members, the plan combines land forces and conventional weapons systems with advanced technologies such as unmanned aerial vehicles, counter-drone systems, and artificial intelligence.

Lessons drawn from ground and air combat in Ukraine, as well as current conflicts in the Middle East, play a decisive role in shaping the strategy.

According to Grynkewich, the new defence doctrine rests on three fundamental phases that form the core of NATO’s approach:

The first pillar of the plan, the “block” phase, focuses on preventing hostile forces from seizing allied territory.

In this context, NATO ground components will engage directly with attacking units, restrict their manoeuvrability, and neutralise forces attempting to breach alliance borders.

Should the assault continue, the second phase (“blunt”) will come into play, deploying autonomous systems requiring minimal human intervention alongside advanced sensor networks to slow the momentum of the attack and wear down advancing forces.

These systems will detect threats in real time, combining capabilities across different operational domains to halt the adversary’s advance.

The final stage, the “break” phase, will target not the attacking units directly, but the operational warfighting system that sustains them.

Command centres, supply chains, and logistics routes will be struck using long-range precision strike systems and sensor networks, eliminating the adversary’s ability to sustain military operations.

“Enemy commanders will not be able to direct their troops, their supply lines will be severed, and their logistics vehicles will be destroyed,” Grynkewich said.

Strategy aims to defend borders rather than gain territory

Noting that NATO has no intention of acquiring territory and that the strategy is entirely defence-oriented, Grynkewich said, “We have no plan, intention, or ambition beyond protecting our citizens and our territory.”

Stating that he considers the likelihood of a direct attack on alliance territory to be low, the commander nevertheless stated that they would respond without hesitation to any attempt targeting allies.

Addressing questions regarding US commitment to the alliance, Grynkewich recalled that Washington reaffirmed its adherence to Article 5 at the NATO summit in July.

Article 5, which forms the cornerstone of NATO’s collective defence principle, stipulates that an armed attack against one ally is considered an attack against all members.

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Germany detains two Turkish suspects over Polish Starlink arson

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Polish authorities have announced that German police detained two Turkish citizens suspected of setting fire to a Starlink station near Warsaw last month.

Tomasz Siemoniak, Poland’s minister coordinating the special services, told a news conference in Warsaw on Monday that Poland has requested the suspects’ extradition and has “no doubt” that Russian secret services were behind the arson attack.

“It should also be noted that Russian intelligence agencies are increasingly turning to people linked to the criminal underworld,” Siemoniak said at the press conference.

In a post on X, Prime Minister Donald Tusk described the incident as another “act of hybrid warfare” and said those responsible for the sabotage would be brought to justice in Poland.

Interior Minister Marcin Kierwinski said the two Turkish citizens would be charged in Poland with carrying out an act of sabotage on the orders of a foreign intelligence agency.

Power supply equipment at a Starlink ground station serving Eastern Europe, including Poland and Ukraine, caught fire on the night of 23 September.

The incident did not cause a major disruption to internet service. The blaze, however, completely destroyed the station’s electrical system and backup generator.

Poland, a key transit route for Western aid to Ukraine, has faced a series of suspicious incidents recently.

Numerous cyberattacks have targeted public utilities, including water and energy infrastructure as well as hospitals.

In addition, damage to a railway line between Warsaw and the Ukrainian border was attributed by officials to Russian sabotage.

In late July, a Russian missile also landed in Poland.

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