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Iran from 2025 to 2026: A security-first state mindset

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The year 2025 should be evaluated as a year in which the rules of the game changed in Iranian politics; a year so significant that security politics virtually swallowed everything else, and military-regional variables cast a decisive shadow over the entirety of the economy, domestic policy, and diplomacy. The consequences of this year are not short-term; they are of a nature that will permeate the years following 2026. 2025 must be viewed as one of the defining years in which the course of Iranian politics was recalibrated, similar to pivotal moments in the last forty years. As a result of the intensification of direct and indirect conflict with Israel, the de facto blockage of diplomatic channels with the West, and worsening economic-social pressures, Iranian politics has entered a new phase that can be defined as a transition from a policy of “tension management” to one of “security-based stability.” 2025 has been a long year for the Iranian people and the state, and it appears this situation will continue into the coming Gregorian year.

Undoubtedly, this year will be etched in memory for the “Twelve-Day War.” This war began on June 13, 2025, with Israel’s surprise attacks targeting Iran’s military and nuclear facilities, high-ranking military commanders, and nuclear scientists; it concluded on the twelfth day following American intervention, diplomatic contacts conducted by regional countries, and Iran’s final missile strikes.

Although months have passed since the war, the questions of which side emerged victorious from the field and how this war will impact the region’s security architecture remain among the fundamental topics of discussion and debate.

This war began at a time when Iran was conducting negotiations with America. In fact, on the weekend the war started, high-ranking Iranian diplomats were scheduled to meet again in Oman with Trump’s special representative, Witkoff. Due to the ongoing negotiations, the political atmosphere in Iran was shaped by the belief that Israel would not take military action while talks were in progress, and that a military conflict might only come to the fore following a potential failure of negotiations. For this reason, the security deployment in Iran was at a non-war level. Israel exploited this situation to inflict heavy blows on Iran, and these attacks—particularly in the initial hours—led officials in Tel Aviv to adopt a maximalist approach regarding the future of the war. In the early days of the conflict, Benjamin Netanyahu addressed the Iranian people directly, attempting to mobilize the masses against the Iranian state; attacks on border police stations in the country’s western regions created favorable ground for the infiltration of terrorist elements from the Iraqi Kurdistan region and the execution of sabotage activities.

However, the course of the war changed a few days later as the impact of Iran’s missile strikes increased, new dimensions of Iran’s missile capacity were revealed, and weaknesses and deficiencies in Israel’s Iron Dome air defense system were exposed. Considering the low level of social resilience within Israeli society, Iran succeeded in exerting serious military and political pressure on Tel Aviv.

For Tehran, this war clearly demonstrated several fundamental truths: the necessity of further strengthening the missile capacity that has been robustly maintained for the last twenty years; the existence of security vulnerabilities that cannot be ignored, which allowed Mossad elements to operate inside Iran; the obligation to increase the level of coordination between military and civil institutions; the need to change security protocols for individuals in influential and critical positions within the country’s politics; and, most importantly, the necessity of questioning the trust placed in international organizations and the realization that the commitments of America and Europe cannot be relied upon.

The experience that America’s political commitments cannot be absolutely trusted, combined with mistrust toward international organizations, can perhaps be evaluated as the most important and impactful lesson of this war. Before 2025, a segment of the political and administrative elite still maintained the assumption that a gradual normalization in foreign relations might be possible through a change in government or a shift in diplomatic tactics. The developments experienced in 2025 have effectively rendered this assumption invalid. The direct conflict between Iran and Israel, NATO’s full-scope cooperation with Israel, America’s deceptive activities toward Iran and its support for military operations against it, along with the International Atomic Energy Agency’s cooperation with Israel, have clearly revealed that the contradictions between the two sides are structural, not tactical. The crisis is not of a nature that can be contained through “soft management”; Iranian foreign policy has entered a level where the cost of not reacting is higher than the cost of reacting.

In this framework, Iran’s foreign policy paradigm has witnessed—and will continue to witness—distinct changes, both in the second half of the year and in the coming year and near future. In this new paradigm, security is treated as a decisive variable above all political calculations. This approach has shown, and will continue to show, its effect not only on foreign policy and military strategies but also on budgeting processes, domestic policy, and even Iran’s cultural and media policies. As a result of these transformations, it is noteworthy that the state presented the most contractionary budget of the last few decades to the Iranian Parliament.

Alongside the Twelve-Day War, the activation of the “snapback mechanism” (October 2025) and the implementation of the harshest sanction conditions against the country—despite Iran clearly demonstrating its readiness for all negotiations and willingness to take some significant political steps back—has been the most important development driving the dominant political mindset in Tehran toward a paradigm shift in diplomacy. With the triggering of the snapback mechanism, all United Nations Security Council sanctions resolutions became a current agenda item once again, despite ten years of cooperation by Iran to reduce its nuclear capacity; this situation created heavy economic and political pressure on the Masoud Pezeshkian government. This government, which came to power following the suspicious death of the previous president, found itself in an extremely difficult process from its very first days with the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran.

As a result of these conditions, a discourse advocating a transition from “problem-solving diplomacy” to “deterrent diplomacy” is observed to be gaining strength within the power structure. The key concept in this discourse is active deterrence; according to this view, the cost of not displaying power is higher than the cost of displaying power in a controlled manner. In this context, it is argued that Iran must fortify its regional presence and transform military means directly into political instruments. Considering the security blows Iran suffered during the Twelve-Day War, this paradigm shift will manifest itself more distinctly in the fields of security and intelligence, directing Iran to strengthen its intelligence networks against Israel and American forces in the region.

Simultaneous with this paradigm shift, it is observed that Iran has adopted a minimum level of diplomacy in its relations with the West. Contrary to previous negotiation processes, likely future talks will be conducted not as the beginning of a comprehensive solution, but as issue-focused, temporary contacts lacking a long-term strategic horizon. In other words, in its negotiations with the European trio [E3] or America, Iran is leaning toward managing the crisis rather than trying to resolve it. Parallel to this limited interaction with the West, a deepening of relations with the East is also visible, and this trend will continue in Iranian diplomacy. Relations with Russia and China are rising from a level of “cooperation” to a level of limited strategic alignment. This rise is occurring despite the resistance of the pro-Western bureaucratic structure within Iran; with the military wing gaining strength in domestic politics, these collaborations are acquiring a more serious nature, taking on a military and security-centered character.

While this situation may have removed Iran’s foreign policy from strategic ambiguity in the short term, it has brought about a picture of economic and social freezing and uncertainty in domestic politics. The possibility of a war that could yield new and heavier economic and political consequences has dragged the Iranian economy into a state of passivity; as a natural result, a decline in economic growth, an increase in inflation, and supply-demand imbalances have emerged.

It can already be said that 2026 will be an extremely difficult year for the Iranian government. It must prepare to manage security crises arising from a potential confrontation with Israel on the one hand, while on the other, it is obliged to resolve infrastructural and managerial problems emerging from the cumulative effect of heavy sanctions that have continued for over twenty years. Indeed, a few days ago, Masoud Pezeshkian openly stated to the public that the country’s fundamental problems (such as inflation, unemployment, and sanctions) are insoluble and that he has no idea how to overcome them; these statements led to serious criticism from broad circles, including his former supporters.

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Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

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The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

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What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

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By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

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The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

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In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

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