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Palantir CEO Alex Karp says he would not vote for ‘pro-Russian’ AfD in Germany

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The co-founder and chief executive of Palantir, Alex Karp, has stated that while he understands the rise of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, he would not vote for the group if he lived in Germany, describing it as “pro-Russian”.

Speaking as a guest on a programme hosted by Mathias Döpfner, the chairman of the German media conglomerate Axel Springer, Karp addressed a wide range of subjects, including the war in Ukraine, artificial intelligence (AI), Palantir’s surveillance technologies, and the state of German politics.

Döpfner noted that when they first met at a party in 2003, Karp was viewed as an “interesting left-wing intellectual”. Asked how he had since transitioned into what some describe as a “dark figure of the radical right”, Karp rejected the characterisation, asserting that the image is inaccurate and that he receives widespread support when meeting ordinary people.

“Every investor in Silicon Valley would cut off their right arm to have a fanbase like ours,” Karp said. “Probably their left arm too.”

Asserting that Palantir’s products—specifically its data analytics and investigative software, Gotham—have made history by preventing terrorist attacks and playing a central role in the defence of Ukraine, Karp argued that a cultural divide exists between Europe and the United States.

“In the US, when it comes to a new technology, the first question asked is not whether we find the person behind it likeable,” Karp said. “Instead, the key question is: does the technology work? Is it better? Does it make companies more successful? In Europe, however, these questions are often not asked at all. Or at least, not in the right way. Because if these questions were taken seriously, one might reach the uncomfortable conclusion that a significant portion of technological infrastructure will, for the foreseeable future, have to come from the United States.”

While acknowledging that Palantir face rejection from certain sections of the political and media elite, Karp maintained that the vast majority of Germans simply want to know whether the company’s products are effective.

Karp claimed that his firm possesses the world’s only industrial-scale “application layer” of its size, which he said prevents data from being harvested or misused by large language model providers.

According to Karp, the supreme irony is that “in Europe, in the name of data protection, technically uninformed bureaucrats are fighting the very company that makes this data protection possible in the first place.”

Arguing that Europe suffers from a fundamental deficit in technological competence, the Palantir founder added: “Economically, Palantir does not need the European market. But Europe is very important to me. That is why this debate interests me.”

Comparing concepts of freedom, Karp observed that in the US, rights are primarily understood as protections against the state, whereas Europe places greater emphasis on economic rights.

Identifying himself as a progressive, Karp defined his philosophy as defending the rights of individuals “even if I do not personally like them”.

He described the frequent depiction of Palantir’s other co-founder, Peter Thiel, as “anti-democratic” or a “religious fanatic” as a scandal.

“I have known him since our time together at Stanford,” Karp said of Thiel. “He was a political outlier on the right back then, but he was certainly no enemy of democracy. The narratives about Peter rarely withstand objective scrutiny. The same applies to Palantir. Therefore, I find the question of why people still want to believe these stories far more interesting. My impression is that a very American form of political polarisation is blending with German traditions. What emerges is no longer a German debate, but an imported American culture war logic. Yet historically, Germany would ask a completely different question: not ‘do we like this person?’ but ‘can we afford the luxury of learning nothing from him?'”

Germany, Karp argued, should currently possess the world’s second-most powerful technology sector.

“Yet Germany is now barely represented in this league,” Karp said. “Germany’s largest listed company is Siemens. Palantir’s value today is significantly higher than Siemens’. In fact, I believe Palantir is still undervalued at present.”

Turning to German domestic politics, Karp described the rise of radical parties in the country as entirely predictable.

The Palantir executive argued that those who accepted large-scale migration into Germany “without involving the public and openly discussing the consequences” should not be surprised by the political outcome. He pointed to an “incredibly difficult and painful inability to speak openly about obvious facts” in Europe, and particularly in Germany.

At this point, Döpfner intervened, suggesting that Karp was avoiding the question and pressed further: “What do you think of the AfD? Palantir is assisting Ukraine in its war against Russia. In contrast, the AfD has repeatedly demanded that Ukraine be forced to negotiate with Russia. Leading representatives of the party reverse the roles of perpetrator and victim. How do you assess this? I ask this question so directly because some imply that Peter Thiel or you share a certain affinity with the AfD.”

Karp responded by emphasizing that whilst he understands why the AfD has achieved success, this does not mean he supports them.

“If I were a German citizen, I would not vote for them,” Karp said. “I have no interest in supporting a party that shows understanding for Putin or harbours sympathy for the Chinese Communist Party.”

He suggested that many people vote for the AfD as a protest, believing that established parties no longer wish to take issues like migration seriously or resolve them, which drives voters toward the AfD.

Karp noted that people who genuinely care about Germany have pointed to this development for years and have often been publicly discredited. Addressing Döpfner directly, Karp said: “You are a good example of this. My impression is that on many social issues, you are slightly to the left of the centre-left. Fundamentally, you would probably be classified by many Americans as a classical liberal or even mildly left-wing. Yet you are regularly attacked in Germany. All this while you resolutely oppose the AfD. You have no sympathy for Putin; on the contrary, we both know that Russia poses a direct threat to the West.”

Karp added that both he and Döpfner defend democracy, the West, and support for Ukraine. When Döpfner stated that he also views the success of the AfD as the result of a weak political centre, whilst rejecting the party as an alternative due to its pro-Russian, anti-American, and anti-capitalist stances, Karp responded: “I largely agree with that.”

Nonetheless, Karp maintained that many voters support the party not because of its broader platform, but because they feel ignored by the political establishment.

Karp acknowledged that AI represents both an opportunity and a threat. However, he argued that European discussions on AI often focus on issues that have already been settled in the US, describing it as though Europe is discussing a “light” version of the technology.

“Germany must reshape its industry with the help of AI,” Karp said. “The automotive industry, the chemical sector—practically all key industries are on the verge of a profound transformation. At the same time, the workforce is shrinking, energy costs remain high, and international competition is intensifying. There is only one serious answer to this: AI.”

Karp asserted that nothing will change unless the German Chancellor publicly declares that the country is in a crisis. He argued that Germany requires individuals who have successfully built global enterprises in the past, naming figures such as Tobias Lütke, Philipp Schindler, and Peter Thiel.

“This task cannot be solved by people who have never established a global technology company,” Karp claimed.

“Germany must do everything it can to win back such entrepreneurs and provide them with the necessary freedom,” he continued. “Technology companies do not emerge from a four-day working week. They are built by people who work for years with an almost fanatical dedication. Around the clock. And of course, this includes the ability to replace teams when things do not work out. This does not mean I fundamentally question workers’ rights. On the contrary. But a top engineer working in AI requires a different employment law framework than many traditional industrial professions. I would also establish a special economic zone—a region where the same competitive conditions apply as those in the United States, Israel, or China. Because this is where the global technology competition is taking place today.”

While admitting that AI carries risks, Karp argued that the primary danger does not lie in the existence of AI itself, but in the prospect of democratic societies failing to utilise its potential out of fear.

The chief executive stated he is certain that AI will raise the standard of living for most people, though he noted that those who develop and control these technologies could become 10, 20, or 100 times wealthier than they are today.

Recalling that past industrial revolutions enriched entrepreneurs, Karp added: “But inequalities remained within a framework that society could accept. Today, however, the wealth gap is reaching dimensions that many people cannot even imagine.”

Karp observed that societies have been divided for much longer than people care to admit. “When you add an unprecedented concentration of wealth to this social distance, a politically explosive environment is created,” he warned. “Many people fear becoming redundant.”

When asked by Döpfner about the geopolitical tech race between the West and an alliance of authoritarian states including China, Russia, and Iran, Karp expressed confidence that the moral standards of the Western world would serve as a competitive advantage.

He attributed part of Ukraine’s military success to Palantir’s ability to protect data and strengthen digital sovereignty.

“Technology does not develop in a vacuum,” Karp said. “Those who gain experience under real operational conditions gain an advantage. This is why I view China’s supposed advantages partly as disadvantages. It is often claimed that China has much larger volumes of data. What matters is not the quantity of data, but what can be done with it.”

Karp said it remains impossible to predict whether the US or China will lead technologically in a decade. However, he warned that if the West restricts technologies critical to its competitiveness, Russia, China, and Iran will immediately exploit the gap.

While Karp said he did not believe every campaign against Palantir was orchestrated by adversaries, he added: “But of course, authoritarian states attempt to influence these very debates.”

Acknowledging China’s significant capabilities, Karp argued that the primary challenge lies not in Beijing, but in whether Europe and America can maintain their political capacity to act.

“We must fight with all our strength to avoid waking up in societies where freedom and the rule of law are nothing more than memories,” Karp said, calling for a society where the best can succeed.

He described his vision of a society where as many people as possible have equal opportunities, but where outcomes depend on “talent, discipline, effort—and yes, to some extent, luck.”

Concluding his remarks, Karp said: “A society where the rule of law applies to everyone. A society where freedom of expression does not depend on whether an opinion pleases us. A society where data protection applies even to those we personally dislike. A society where state power remains limited, where people can be creative and are rewarded for their achievements. At the same time, a sufficient number of people must share in this prosperity so that social cohesion can be preserved. But what worries me is this: today, many people who consider themselves progressive are fighting against this very order. They define people by their origins or identities. They no longer treat freedom as a universal principle, but as a privilege. Palantir and I are working precisely against this—by giving people greater sovereignty over their data, and by supporting democracies like Ukraine, Israel, or the United States to defend themselves against authoritarian adversaries.”

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Türkiye, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia defense agreement: An attack on one will be considered an attack on all

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Türkiye, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia signed a joint defense agreement that deepens security cooperation at a time of rising military tensions and conflicts in the Middle East. The agreement stipulates that an armed attack against any one of the three states will be considered an attack against all of them.

Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan signed a joint defense agreement at a trilateral summit held in Mecca on Friday, pledging to strengthen collective security, deepen defense cooperation and support peace and stability in the region and beyond.

The “Mecca Joint Defense Agreement” was signed at a summit held at Al-Safa Palace by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif.

According to a statement issued by Türkiye’s Directorate of Communications, the agreement reflects the three countries’ shared determination to strengthen their collective security on the basis of their longstanding historical ties, Islamic solidarity, common strategic interests and close defense cooperation.

The agreement aims to strengthen collective deterrence against any act of aggression and provides that an armed attack against any one of the three countries will be considered an attack against all of them.

The agreement also provides for the development of defense cooperation among the three countries in all fields.

Saudi King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud hosted Erdoğan and Sharif in Saudi Arabia for the summit.

President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan traveled to Saudi Arabia on Friday and met with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, meanwhile, arrived in Saudi Arabia a day earlier together with the country’s Chief of Army Staff Asim Munir and performed Umrah in Mecca.

Iran and its allies have been targeting Saudi Arabia and other Gulf countries and obstructing their energy shipments since the United States and Israel launched a war against Iran on February 28, escalating tensions in the region.

According to a joint statement by the three countries, the agreement aims to strengthen collective deterrence against any act of aggression and provides that an armed attack against any one of the three countries will be considered an attack against all of them.

The joint statement did not specify the details of the obligations undertaken by the parties under the “Mecca Joint Defense Agreement.” It noted, however, that the agreement aims to strengthen collective security and promote peace, security and stability in the region and beyond.

A Turkish official told Reuters, “The pact includes a collective defense clause. It is entirely defensive and commits the parties to mutual support solely for defensive purposes.”

The official also said the agreement was not directed against any specific actor, was open to the participation of other countries in the region, and did not invalidate or replace any existing bilateral or multilateral arrangement.

At the same time, the three countries are concerned both about Israel’s increasing aggression and Iran’s expanding influence at a time when their longstanding ally, the United States, is struggling to contain regional turmoil.

Strong political symbolism

Abdulaziz Sager, chairman of the Saudi-based Gulf Research Center, said, “The political symbolism of the summit is significant. Three of the most influential countries in the Muslim world are coming together at a time of growing uncertainty. This shows the increasing willingness of regional and middle powers to coordinate more closely on security issues.”

Sager added, “If the trilateral mechanism is institutionalized and translated into concrete cooperation, it could strengthen the combined diplomatic and defense weight of the three countries while also contributing to the emergence of a security architecture that is more strongly shaped by regional dynamics.”

Türkiye has NATO’s second-largest army. Saudi Arabia, the Gulf’s most powerful country, is one of the world’s largest oil exporters. Pakistan, meanwhile, is the only Muslim country with nuclear weapons.

The Iran factor

Since the war began on February 28, Saudi Arabia has been targeted by Iran as well as its Houthi allies in Yemen and Shiite militias in Iraq because it hosts U.S. military bases.

The conflict has also brought most shipping traffic through the Strait of Hormuz, which carried around one-fifth of global energy supplies before the war, to a halt.

For Saudi Arabia, the consequences of the conflicts in the Middle East over the past three years have been more severe. While the conflicts have endangered the country’s oil exports and ambitious development plans, they have also raised serious questions about the reliability of the U.S. security umbrella on which Riyadh has relied for many years.

A senior Saudi official told Reuters on Thursday that the country expects coordinated attacks in the near future from both Iraqi militias and the Houthis under Iranian direction. This raises questions about how the new alliance would respond to such attacks.

Iran-aligned Welayat News described the agreement as a Saudi request for assistance. The report included the following assessment: “Ansarullah’s Yemen-based equation of ‘blockade for blockade, escalation for escalation’ has put the Saudis under pressure. At Saudi Arabia’s initiative, a defense alliance between Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan is expected to be signed today.”

Although Türkiye and Pakistan have avoided major direct attacks, both countries want the conflicts that threaten their own security and economic conditions to be de-escalated.

According to a Reuters report in May, Pakistan deployed around 8,000 troops, fighter aircraft, drones and an air defense system to Saudi Arabia and moved toward developing broader security ties across the Gulf.

Reuters reported in July that Pakistan had also begun negotiations with Kuwait on an expanded security agreement in exchange for energy cooperation and investment.

The AP news agency also noted that the agreement was announced at a time when Türkiye’s relations with Israel have become strained over the conflicts in Iran, Lebanon and Gaza.

Former Israeli official: Türkiye will not fight the Houthis simply because Saudi Arabia asks

Commenting on the defense agreement between Saudi Arabia, Türkiye and Pakistan, former head of Israel’s National Security Council Prof. Jacob Nagel said Saudi Arabia is not as powerful as it appears and described the country as a “paper tiger.”

Speaking to The Jerusalem Post, Nagel said, “You have to understand this: despite all its wealth and weapons, Saudi Arabia is to a large extent a paper tiger. It has a great deal of weaponry and a great deal of money, but militarily it cannot even manage to get through the day.”

On whether Türkiye would defend Saudi Arabia under the agreement, Nagel said, “I do not think the Turks will send their navy and attack the Houthis simply because the Houthis attacked the Saudis. That certainly does not align with my realistic view of the region.”

According to Nagel, Saudi Arabia is therefore looking for alternatives.

“Saudi Arabia understands that it is in serious trouble, both financially and in terms of security. Even before the recent wars, we saw them take the surprising step of signing an agreement with Iran. They did this because they were afraid and felt exposed to the concrete Iranian threat, as well as to Iran’s militias across the Middle East.”

Nagel continued:

“The Saudis’ problem is that despite having the most advanced equipment, aircraft and intelligence capabilities, they do not know how to use this power effectively on the ground. For that reason, all this talk of new alliances with Pakistan or Türkiye should be approached with considerable caution.”

Nagel also said, “This is more of a diplomatic maneuver aimed at putting pressure on the U.S. administration.”

“The Saudis are disappointed with the U.S. position. Particularly in light of the shortcomings they have identified in missile and interceptor ammunition stockpiles in the West, they are trying to send the message that they will not be left alone in the struggle against the Shiite axis.”

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US lawmakers seek terrorist designation for Polisario Front

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US Representatives Josh Gottheimer and Ronny Jackson introduced the “Polisario Front Terrorist Designation Act” to Congress on July 30, calling on the State Department to designate the Polisario Front as a foreign terrorist organization.

The bill, drafted by Gottheimer of New Jersey and Jackson of Texas, alleges that the Polisario Front receives support from Iran and poses a threat to US national security.

Gottheimer said groups linked to the Iranian government were seeking to open a new front against the US and its allies and argued that the Polisario Front had become one of the instruments used for that purpose.

However, Gottheimer also acknowledged that such cooperation between Iran and the Polisario Front has not yet been verified.

“This bipartisan bill will ensure that, once such cooperation is confirmed, US counterterrorism sanctions are fully applied against the Polisario Front,” Gottheimer said.

The proposal follows similar legislation introduced in Congress in 2025, including an initiative by Republican Senator Ted Cruz.

Polisario Front backs Western Sahara independence

The Polisario Front advocates the creation of an independent state in Western Sahara, which is largely under Moroccan control. The movement was founded in May 1973 to fight Spanish colonial rule in the territory.

After Spain withdrew from the territory in 1976, the Polisario Front proclaimed the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, whose government-in-exile is based in Algeria. Morocco soon took control of most of Western Sahara and maintains that the territory is part of its sovereign land.

The name Polisario is derived from the Spanish title “Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Rio de Oro.”

US President Donald Trump recognized Morocco’s sovereignty claim over Western Sahara in 2020 in exchange for Rabat normalizing relations with Israel under the Abraham Accords.

France, the United Kingdom, Germany, the Netherlands and Spain later backed Morocco’s position on the territory.

Morocco, one of Washington’s major non-NATO allies, has continued expanding its military and political ties with both Washington and Tel Aviv. According to the Hudson Institute, designating the Polisario Front as a foreign terrorist organization could further strengthen the US-Morocco alliance.

Morocco sent troops to the Gaza international force

In July, Morocco became the first Arab and African country to commit troops to the International Stabilization Force that is expected to operate in Gaza under Trump’s “Peace Board” administration.

Rabat formally signed the agreement governing its participation in the force on July 15. The International Stabilization Force is expected to operate in coordination with the Israeli military.

A pro-Palestinian Moroccan activist criticized the country’s role in the force, saying: “I do not know what role Morocco will play other than disarming Hamas and perhaps even overseeing the recolonization of Gaza under the US-Israel axis.”

Morocco has continued strengthening military and security ties with Israel since signing the Abraham Accords.

Israeli troops openly participated in Morocco’s annual African Lion exercise in May 2025. The Israeli flag was displayed for the first time during the opening ceremony of the exercise, jointly organized by the Rabat government and US Africa Command and involving about 10,000 troops from more than 40 countries.

Ceuta and Melilla dispute also in focus

The Moroccan government was reported last week to have organized the movement of tens of thousands of Moroccan male migrants toward Ceuta, the Spanish territory on the North African coast.

A US congressional budget report adopted in July also described Ceuta and Melilla for the first time as Spanish-administered cities “located on Moroccan territory” and “long claimed by Morocco.”

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had called for Spain to be punished for attempting to block the delivery of US weapons to the Israeli military for use in operations in Gaza. The migrant influx toward Ceuta was welcomed by a significant portion of Israeli social media users.

Responsible Statecraft wrote that the Moroccan government may have resorted to “migration blackmail” to pressure European countries. The publication added: “This time, however, the primary beneficiaries appear to be Israel and the US.”

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Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan set to sign defence pact

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Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan are expected to sign a joint defence agreement in Saudi Arabia on Friday.

Two regional sources with direct knowledge of the matter told Reuters that Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan would sign a joint defence agreement in Saudi Arabia on Friday.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif will meet in the Saudi port city as regional powers seek to strengthen security ties during the war with Iran.

Regional powers are seeking to bolster security ties amid conditions created by the US-Israeli war against Iran, which has also drawn in Gulf states and disrupted maritime shipping through the Strait of Hormuz and the Red Sea.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman is expected to meet President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif in Jeddah on the Red Sea coast.

Pakistani Prime Minister Sharif and Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff Asim Munir arrived in the country for a visit running from Thursday to Saturday, while Erdogan is expected to travel to Saudi Arabia on Friday, according to the Turkish presidency.

A senior Turkish intelligence source told CNN-News18 that all the core terms of the alliance had been fully prepared, communicated to the parties and accepted by the leaders of Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Türkiye.

Since Pakistan and Saudi Arabia signed a mutual defence agreement last year, there has been discussion that the two countries wanted to bring other states in West Asia and South Asia into the defence bloc.

Alliance to draw on Saudi finance, Turkish tech, Pakistani nukes

According to CNN-News18, the Pakistan-Saudi Arabia-Türkiye agreement is a natural extension of the Saudi Arabia-Pakistan mutual defence agreement announced last year.

As with the Saudi Arabia-Pakistan agreement, the trilateral alliance will draw on the different strengths of each member state to create an integrated security network.

CNN-News18 said Saudi Arabia would contribute its financial power and regional influence; Türkiye would provide advanced military technology, particularly drones, along with a NATO-standard defence industry infrastructure; and Pakistan would contribute its nuclear capability and battle-experienced military.

The alliance will include joint military exercises, technology transfers, defence industry production and intelligence-sharing.

Under the Saudi Arabia-Pakistan mutual defence agreement, Pakistan had agreed to deploy about 25,000 troops to Saudi Arabia, backed by armoured units, artillery, infantry and rocket forces, as well as two air force squadrons and two naval squadrons. The deployment was said to be intended to contribute to the kingdom’s security, conduct joint operations and train Saudi forces in return for $10 billion in Saudi investment.

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