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Why China will not provide military aid to Iran

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In June 2025, Israel and Iran engaged in a 12-day conflict. During that period, the author was attending an international conference in Istanbul on major-power competition in the Middle East, where many questions were raised about why China does not provide military aid to Iran. Today, as Israel and the United States have once again launched attacks against Iran, this question has resurfaced. In fact, for anyone with an understanding of China’s diplomatic principles, national interests, views on international norms, attitudes toward war, and China-Iran relations, it is not difficult to comprehend why China has adopted such a position. While China will not directly take part in the war against Iran or send troops to fight, it will offer support and fulfill its responsibilities as a major responsible country. At its core, China’s approach is to promote peace talks, provide support without engaging in conflict, and safeguard sovereignty and stability.

I. China’s diplomatic principles determine that it will not provide military aid to Iran.

First, China pursues an independent foreign policy of peace, adhering to partnership rather than alliance and not targeting any third party. China has drawn lessons from history, especially the great-power rivalry during the Cold War, where alliances sometimes became liabilities for major powers, dragging them into confrontation and war. Although China and Iran maintain a comprehensive strategic partnership, they are not military allies, and partnership is not equivalent to “alliance” in the Western sense. Therefore, China and Iran have no mutual defense treaty, and China bears no legal or moral obligation to provide military aid.

Second, China strictly abides by the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, including non-interference in other countries’ internal affairs and opposition to resolving disputes through force. If China were to provide military aid to Iran, it would amount to taking sides and deeply intervening in regional conflicts, which runs counter to the fundamental norms of China’s diplomacy.

II. China’s national interests dictate that it will not provide military aid to Iran.

At present, a key priority for China in the Middle East is advancing the high-quality development of the Belt and Road Initiative. China is well aware that deepening engagement with Middle Eastern countries under the BRI is a vital pathway to further develop China’s western regions, upgrade its opening-up, accelerate Eurasian connectivity, and strengthen the trend of globalization. Therefore, China desires a Middle East that is peaceful, stable, and prosperous. Under no circumstances will China provide direct military aid, as this would escalate conflicts, drive up oil prices, and adversely impact China’s economic and energy security. Furthermore, warfare in the Middle East would endanger China’s overseas assets, disrupt supply chains, and threaten the safety of Chinese nationals abroad.

More importantly, China has no intention of engaging in great-power rivalry with the United States in the Middle East, nor does it seek to replace the U.S. position there. Moreover, while the U.S. maintains numerous military bases and troops across many Middle Eastern countries, China has not a single soldier stationed in the region. Providing military aid to Iran would mean a direct, head-on confrontation with U.S. forces, dragging China into an all-out military rivalry with the United States. This runs completely counter to China’s commitment to strategic autonomy and its bottom line of security.

III. International rules also prohibit China from providing military assistance to Iran.

First, relevant UN Security Council resolutions impose strict restrictions on the transfer of conventional weapons to Iran, and offensive weapons may not be supplied without authorization. As a permanent member of the UN Security Council, China strictly abides by UN sanctions and arms control policies.

Second, China maintains good relations not only with Iran but also with Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and even Israel in the Middle East. China pursues a balanced diplomatic strategy in the region. It will not deliberately intervene in the Middle East, disrupt the regional balance of power, trigger an arms race and chain reactions of conflicts, and undermine its overall strategic arrangement.

Third, China has always adhered to the three principles of arms export, which prohibit the supply of lethal weapons to conflict zones. China’s three principles on arms exports are statutory criteria enshrined in the Regulations of the People’s Republic of China on the Administration of Arms Exports and the Export Control Law, and are among the strictest rules governing global arms trade. They are:1, to contribute to the legitimate self-defense capability of the recipient country; 2, not to impair the peace, security and stability of the region and the world at large; 3, not to interfere in the internal affairs of the recipient country. These three principles are not diplomatic rhetoric, but red-line provisions implemented across the entire chain from approval and production to export and traceability.

IV. The current development of China-Iran relations and Iran’s perception of China also do not support China in providing Iran with unrestricted and all-round support.

First, there are still many pro-Western and pro-U.S. factions within Iran that hold strong illusions about the United States and the West. For many years, Iran has repeatedly hoped to reach new agreements through negotiation and compromise to have sanctions lifted, sometimes even at the expense of China’s interests.

Second, Iran’s current predicament is largely due to its own economic difficulties. Although China and Iran signed a 25-year cooperation agreement, under which China sought to deepen bilateral ties through economic cooperation, the implementation and effectiveness of the agreement have been significantly undermined. This is due to Iran’s own problems: it tends to favor European and American enterprises, and also its domestic investment environment carries huge risks.

Third, Iran has long positioned itself as a standard-bearer in the global chessboard, often using cooperation with China as a bargaining chip in its rivalry with the United States. It demands China’s unconditional support for its anti-U.S. stance without fully taking into account China’s overall diplomatic arrangements.

In recent years, the international relations community has frequently discussed the so-called “China-Russia-Iran strategic triangle”. However, due to the huge gaps in national strength and divergent strategic goals among the three countries — especially Iran’s capacity constraints — such a “strategic triangle” is not a realistic concept.

On March 8, 2026, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi answered questions from Chinese and foreign reporters on issues related to “China’s Foreign Policy and External Relations”. In response to questions concerning the situation in Iran, Wang Yi quoted two profound and enlightening ancient Chinese maxims.

One is: “Weapons are instruments of harm and must be used with the utmost caution.” This not only articulates China’s position of advocating a ceasefire and an end to hostilities but also serves as an appeal: for an immediate halt to military operations, to prevent the situation from escalating in cycles, and to avoid the spread of conflict beyond its borders.

The other is: “When benevolence and justice are not practiced, the balance between offense and defense shifts.” This points out that major powers ought to uphold fairness and righteousness, and contribute more positive energy to peace and development in the Middle East.

Recently, there have been calls for China to provide military support to Iran, but these are essentially urging China to fall into a trap that could trigger wider confrontation, even a world war. The situation in the Middle East is highly complex and intertwined, and history is replete with lessons of major-power military intervention. China maintains strategic composure, refuses to be dragged into proxy wars or a new Cold War, and stays committed to resolving issues through the United Nations and multilateral frameworks. This is not weakness; it is wisdom based on long-term considerations and the common interests of all humanity.

The Western debate over whether China is “standing by and letting Iran suffer” reflects a clash between two fundamentally distinct concepts of international relations and approaches to crisis management. One side is accustomed to dividing blocs by force and resolving disputes through military means. The other advocates dialogue over confrontation, partnership over alliance, and win‑win results rather than zero‑sum games. In the war‑torn Middle East, the latter voice may not sound “dramatic” or “radical” enough, yet it is likely the only hope to prevent more bloodshed and help the region break free from the cycle of vendetta and retaliation.

China’s decision not to provide military aid to Iran is a comprehensive embodiment of upholding principles, safeguarding national interests, abiding by international rules, and assuming due responsibilities. This does not mean China will stand idly by amid the crisis facing Iran. Instead, China adopts a stance of “urging peace without entering the war, and supporting without engaging in conflict.” Diplomatically, China has opposed unilateral sanctions and military adventurism on various occasions including the United Nations, and pushed for a ceasefire and negotiations. Economically, China has ensured the stability of energy and trade channels, and used local currency settlement to offset the impact of Western sanctions. Morally, China has firmly supported Iran in safeguarding its national sovereignty and legitimate rights and interests, and opposed external military interference. Such a position not only serves China’s long-term interests but also best contributes to regional peace and stability.

Yang Chen
Associate Professor & Executive Director, Center for Turkish Studies, Shanghai University

Opinion

Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

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The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

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What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

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By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

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The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

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In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

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