Opinion
Conflicting alliance
In Russia, the criticism of the economic dogmatism of the ‘financial bloc’ comes from two currents that mostly overlap. The first is Sergey Glazyev, a patriotic who serves on the Eurasian Economic Commission’s Board of Integration and Macroeconomics. Glazyev, whose influence on the Kremlin is constantly speculated (he was one of Putin’s advisers between 2012 and 2019), could take a left-wing stance so much as acted together with the “Left Front” in the 2017 elections. As recently as 20 April 2022, he accused the Central Bank of not knowing the first thing about the credit system and of acting “according to primitive IMF dogmas relying on foreign investment-hungry citizens of the underdeveloped countries.” In many ways, Glazyev is advocating a new New Economic Policy (NEP). A Just Russia’s far-left deputy Mikhail Delyagin and the Communist Party form the second current. They, too, favor nationalizations and a new “Gosplan” in one form or another.

Sergey Glazyev with Putin
But in addition to crossing each other, these two overlapping currents also interact with the “financial bloc.”
The Central Bank and the Ministry of Finance are the two institutions that make up the “financial bloc.” At the very least, it is clear that the Central Bank has made an unmatched effort to overcome the crisis (within capitalism, of course). In actuality, the praise and even admiration given by European, and US financial institutions demonstrated that its efforts had been somewhat successful. But given that the Central Bank, which prior to February 24 was the “regulator” (i.e., policymaker), is now becoming a “technician” (i.e., practitioner), this inflationist praise and achievement should also be seen as an indication of the breakdown of the conventional “financial bloc”. It was no accident that in early June the attack of economists on the Central Bank for failing to depreciate the ruble was prompted by one of most audacious defenders of the “financial bloc”, RBK, a media conglomerate particularly specializing in economic news.
I have often dwelled on the dogmatism of this bloc. However, at least two instances illustrating the extent of dogmatism should be provided. When we look at these examples, we will also see how internal conflicts work and which factors limit them.
Default
First off, the Ministry of Finance, if not the Central Bank, employed every means to prevent saying that Russia had defaulted, including continuing to pay Eurobonds in foreign currency. Moreover, apart from the irresistible temptation of paying off the creditor, the Ministry had a potent ally: PIMCO (Pacific Investment Management Company). According to data from Tinkoff Investment Advisory, as of mid-May, PIMCO had sold CDS as insurance policies to Russia’s $3.1 billion in foreign debt bonds, demonstrating how confident it was that the country would not go into default. Furthermore, PIMCO had invested roughly $1 billion in credit risk premium (CDS) in Russia last year alone (The seller’s promise to pay the buyer the difference between the nominal price and the market price of these bonds in the event that the issuing nation defaults is known as a “bill” or “derivative”). In order to avert a possible loss, PIMCO was forced to advocate “let them pay”. However, neither the voice of money nor PIMCO’s lobbying efforts were able to prevent it from happening. The bond payments had to halt when the US Treasury Department eventually blocked the OFAC license on May 25. The next installments due on June 24 could not be made, which led to what Medvedev called a “political default.”
However, the world did not come to an end because it was seen that the fixation with default was founded, like all obsessions, on an entirely nonsensical justification. As a matter of fact, payments that were unable to be fulfilled were no longer in the news in the days that followed.
Let’s not forget the other performer on the stage, by the way. PIMCO doesn’t appear to lose money. One of the defining characteristics of the neoliberal period, which worships the financial god, is the use of “derivatives” or risk management coupons, etc. These are ways to extract surplus value through speculation, but more crucially, the forces that drive the market are playing in an echo chamber where the house always wins. The CDS committee, established by the huge businesses that market CDS policies, decides if a nation defaults. Naturally, there was no market left after the US Department of Finance blocked the OFAC license. What should poor PIMCO and poor Golden Sachs do when there is no market, no way to ascertain the market price, and to quantify the difference between the nominal price and the nominal price? How would they determine how much to pay? Thus, the CDS committee asked the US Treasury for permission to auction Russian government bonds and was granted it. As a result, the price of the bonds at the auction shot up by 48 to 56 percent. Coincidentally (!), PIMCO and Golden Sachs purchased the majority of them.
As a result, both the asset owners and the asset insurers are now the same. This implies that as long as Russia continues to declare, “I owe my obligation,” modern alchemists will continue to triumph. They will prevail thanks to 340 billion dollars in reserves, even if Russia writes off their debt. In this situation, individuals who own the bond and furthermore sell its derivative may even find the default to be a seductive opportunity. That is nothing meaningful, even if they lose. When compared to PIMCO’s $2.2 trillion trading volume, which is based on data from late 2021, who cares about a few billion dollars?
Leasing
Another example is the leasing problem; this time, the Ministry of Finance had some success in its struggle to keep making payments at the expense of the Treasury. The issue was whether to keep making the leasing payments to foreign firms that have left the Russian market and, thus, failed to fulfill their contractual obligations (at a cost of 350–400 billion rubles annually) by stopping manufacturing, importing, maintaining, and supplying spare parts and, or to declare moratorium. At the end of October, Prime Minister Mishustin authorized Deputy Prime Minister Manturov and Transport Minister Savelyev to make a decision on this matter. Based on the “expert report,” the Ministry of Transport gave an unfavorable judgment, and the Ministry of Finance seconded it. However, the “expert” committee’s members, who wrote the report, were representatives of foreign firms withdrew from the Russian market. It was such out in the open that Mishustin was forced to step in and partially fix the “issue”. Accordingly, payments are to be reduced. But there is still a problem with the availability of maintenance and supply of spare parts for leased vehicles. For this, robust routes with parallel exports through Turkey and -mostly- Iran are needed. As for leasing payments, the final word has not been said yet. It will be had by the representative of the “import substitutionist bloc,” Deputy Prime Minister D. Manturov.

Denis Manturov
This is a crucial example in terms of demonstrating how determined the ministries are to remain in the global capitalist system. The conflict began when Soviet industry, or economic independence, collapsed in the face of low-cost Western goods. Now they have to rebuild all over again. Either they must find other cheap suppliers, like China (but shifting the supply chain is a difficult task and China, which is equally dependent on the global capitalist system, is not very willing to do this). Or, they have to preserve their dependency in a way that keeps the wolf from the door with the hope of that that the crisis will be resolved soon.
Three options
The three options don’t differ significantly from one another, though. The phases of putting these options into action overlap. If we consider those who advocate for rebuilding to be the most radical, they are partnering with the “import substitutionist bloc” to make the gradual transition since they cannot do it again in a short time and must find a cheap supplier. And import substitutionists who wish to move their supply chain to the east cannot do so in a short time; instead, they must rely on the pro-imperialist system’s supporters who barely hold their end up until the issue is fully resolved.
This contradictory transitivity between the parties and this conflicted unity continues in all aspects of economic life. Consider dividends received by large corporations.
The first group, whether from the political “right” (pro-military) or left (popular), wants to fully halt these payments and keep using the profits of large state corporations to finance the budget. Furthermore, they believe that this situation is unavoidable because oil and natural gas revenues will certainly be threatened by sanctions, at which point they will either appeal to the bourgeoisie or the people for funding.
The second group is also aware of this, but they cannot afford to alter the capital structures of these businesses since their political objective is the ascent of the middle bourgeoisie through the exploitation of other classes, particularly the big bourgeoisie. However, this can only be accomplished within the capitalist system, whereas the first group’s radical solution entails closing one of the channels through which the middle bourgeoisie can rise.
This is where the third group enters the picture. In order for the capitalist system to survive, the stock market must continue to run. This can happen only if the giant state corporations that serve as the driving force behind the Russian economy continues to pay dividends, that is, they should keep feeding their local or international big bourgeois. As a result, a solution is found that keeps the conflict peacefully. Dividend payments are somewhat restricted but not entirely stopped. Due to “overlapping interests,” the second group gains the most from this, but also the other two.
Balance
The balance has been established so that under the terms of the sanctions, those who advocate paving the way for the middle bourgeoisie are in an favorable position. But the others are not desperate, though. Why?
1) Politically, the left is not opposed to a new rise of the middle bourgeoisie, as it may lead to the NEP, the golden age for the leftists. What was the NEP? “A tiny retreat for a big leap”, to quote Lenin. It is the first link in the process of rebuilding the USSR, which was on the verge of economic collapse, after the “war communism” era. It is the emergence of the petty and middle bourgeoisie under complete state control while the large bourgeoisie was suppressed. It is perhaps the most democratic period in Russia since the principality of Kyiv. (The latter leads to a secondary contradiction between the dictatorial “pro-military” wing of the first group and the “popular” wing demanding democracy at the most.)
2) Economically, the right, the “financial bloc”, is not against a new rise of the middle bourgeoisie as long as the interests of the big bourgeoisie are safeguarded. Because the big bourgeoisie will swallow the others anyway if these interests are preserved. Moreover, if the concessions envisioned by the second group are realized, they will be swallowed by a more fattened big bourgeoisie, which is particularly appealing.
Conflict and predictability
At the November 16 Cabinet meeting, Putin inquired as to whether the Ministry of Finance had given its approval before approving Denis Manturov’s request to expand the car loan program to include military personnel and partial mobilization conscripts. This was noteworthy because it demonstrates that the powers of the ministries are split by distinct boundaries and how, in the conflicts between them, the approval of the ministry in charge is sought first rather than the president’s. This is not an isolated instance. The likes frequently happen; especially in the conflicts between finance and industry, and between the “military bloc” and others.
It also points out that one of the most meaningless concepts of bourgeois political science, “totalitarianism”, which has become so fashionable these days, actually has no objective foundation because there is nothing like the application of “total” authority at all. Contrarily, the jurisdictions are established with distinct borders. Unless there are exceptional circumstances, the president does not meddle in these divided powers. The act of establishing boundaries does not result from a situation in which people gather to discuss the best form of “governance”. Rather, the lines are drawn because the conflict aiming at different political and social objectives continues and rules are set to prevent the conflict from spiraling out of control.
For this reason, I have always found absurd the tendency to explain Russia’s state decisions (in any area from militarism to foreign policy, from economic policy to the fate of offshore calculations) with the momentary, unpredictable, surprise decisions of a group of “totalitarian” decision makers. Politics is so determined with clear lines, and the institutions’ authority is so thoroughly defined to avert conflict to lead to war, therefore, few surprises are encountered. As a result, grasping the process only depends on understanding the conflict.
Conflict of authority and temporary retreats
The blocs jealously guard their authority, one another’s meddling is unwanted and repulsed even stingingly.
The “military bloc” and the “financial bloc” came into such a conflict at the end of April. General Secretary of the Security Council “Mr. Siloviki” Patrushev said that they were developing a financial system in which the ruble would be pegged to the currency basket and gold, but Central Bank Governor Nabiullina categorically denied this with almost an off-protocol discourse.
This really is a crucial matter. Suppose that contracts for international trade with Kazakhstan as a “friendly” or even an ally nation can and are made in rubles and tenge, but in any case, a “universal equivalent” (we are forced to use Marxist terminology) is needed by which these sums in rubles or tenge are evaluated. How about this universal equivalent? If “de-dollarisation” in global trade is not (and it is not) just a nice rhetoric, something else must be found. The “finance bloc,” which was still looking for methods to stay within the imperialist system, rejected Patrushev’s plan, which called for this to be a basket of gold and foreign currency, while the “military bloc” withdrew to prevent usurpation. However, this was the inevitable conclusion of the process. The following was reported by RBK on November 19: “One of the sources of RBK claims that even if commerce with Kazakhstan is conducted in national currencies, how many rubles will equal to one tenge is determined by the dollar rate of the tenge. For this reason, banks are collaborating with the Central Bank and the Ministry of Finance on a project that will allow some departure from cross-currency calculations.” The “financial bloc” appears determined to avoid even indirectly returning to the gold (or oil) standard, instead attempting to create a “currency basket” that is nothing but a hybrid dollarization. At least for now, the “financial bloc” assures to include banks, the sacred altar of the neoliberalist age, into this process.
Will it be a hit or a miss? It is doable. Does it mean the liquidation of dollarisation? No. It is inevitable that a new (one!) universal equivalent will be found if they are determined on this issue (and the troika’s sanction terror pushes them to determination, even if they don’t want to). It doesn’t matter if this equivalent is the “evergreen” gold or yuan or “oil of the earth,” or sheepskin.
The sword of balance
Fine, but where is the Kremlin in this picture? As with military-political issues, the Kremlin adopts a pragmatic attitude on political-economic matters, but this pragmatism is not unprincipled in the latter ones, just as it was in the former issues. In the political-economic matters, the Kremlin seeks to strengthen the middle bourgeoisie on the account of the big bourgeoisie, just as it is resolved to continue the battle until it achieves its minimal political objectives in the military-political issues (which means removing the Kyiv regime from being a current or potential threat to Russia in one way or another). The Kremlin’s current position therefore aligns with the second group; yet the Kremlin is already a conflicting alliance in its own image, as the blocs’ positions may shift in line with the balance of power, but they will keep doing so peacefully.
An example: At the November 16 meeting I mentioned above, Putin did not hesitate to attack the banks, the holy altar of the “financial bloc”: “Banks simply and cheerfully offer minor loans (…) but then these people become eternal debtors. Banks, with all due respect to these financial organizations, drain the lifeblood of the population. Obviously, it is needed to put an end to this.”
Although the Kremlin’s perspective is entirely discernible empirically, there remains a theoretical issue in the middle of the room. This is a problem I have touched on many times before: Bonapartism as a particular kind of authority in post-Soviet Russia.
Opinion
Macroeconomic consequences of asymmetric UAV attacks in Russia
Today, the nature of asymmetric threats is undergoing a profound transformation, with their focus shifting increasingly toward economic centers. By mid-2026, the nature of asymmetric warfare within the borders of the Russian Federation entered a qualitatively new and critical phase.
An analysis of the Ukrainian unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) strikes carried out in July 2026 reveals a deliberate shift in targeting. Moving beyond military installations and fuel-energy infrastructure, these attacks directly targeted civilian logistics networks and critical nodes of the macroeconomic infrastructure.
The primary objective of this strategic shift is to deplete the country’s internal resources, induce insurmountable disruptions in supply chains, and exert intense psychological pressure on the civilian population.
Large-scale, coordinated strikes on the distribution centers of Wildberries—Russia’s largest e-commerce platform and part of the RVB joint venture (formed by the 2024 merger of Wildberries and Russ)—became the symbol of this new phase of home-front vulnerability. The geographic scope of these attacks, spanning an unprecedented area from the Northwestern Federal District to Southern Russia and Crimea, exposed critical gaps in national industrial risk insurance mechanisms. Furthermore, this situation sparked severe legal disputes between platform economy giants and small businesses, compelling immediate intervention from both corporate executives and senior state officials.
Tracing the multi-layered consequences of the kinetic impacts resulting from these July attacks on the state’s digital and physical economy will shape the new architecture of civilian sector security.
The zenith of the logistical terror waged by Ukraine was recorded on the night of July 24, 2026, marking the most technically complex UAV attack inflicted on Russian Federation territory since the beginning of the year. According to data from the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, domestic air defense systems detected and destroyed 571 fixed-wing Ukrainian UAVs that night.
Two points have become exceptionally critical here: saturating radar fields and the military “swarm” effect. In short, this event is the clearest indication that the enemy has transitioned to a tactic of overwhelming radar systems. At the same time, the “swarm” effect generated across a vast geographic expanse aims to rapidly deplete the ammunition of anti-aircraft missile systems and expose air defense positions deep behind the front lines.
The breadth of the targeted geography attests to the unprecedented scale of the operation. UAVs were neutralized over the Belgorod, Bryansk, Kaluga, Kursk, Leningrad, Novgorod, Oryol, Pskov, Ryazan, Smolensk, Tver, Tula, and Vladimir regions, as well as over Moscow, Krasnodar, the Republic of Crimea, and the waters of the Azov and Black Seas.
Such a dense dispersion of targets across a vast territory points to an attempt to paralyze transportation and logistics arteries within Russia’s European landmass.
In parallel with the mass deployment of UAVs, missile strikes were also conducted against civilian industrial enterprises. During the same period, a missile attack on a local enterprise in the Fileyka district of Kirov resulted in outright catastrophe, leaving 6 people dead and 32 employees injured with varying degrees of severity.
Following the incident, Regional Governor Aleksandr Sokolov stated that the situation required not only the evacuation of the wounded, but also large-scale interventions such as restoring water and power supplies and auditing the security of neighboring settlements. This combined approach—employing inexpensive kamikaze drones to degrade air defenses followed immediately by missile strikes on unprotected industrial zones—presents an entirely new threat paradigm for the civilian economy.
Systematic and sequential attacks directed at the facilities of a single commercial entity completely eliminate the possibility of coincidence. The strategic, macroeconomic, and psychological factors turning civilian commercial warehouses into critical vulnerabilities for an entire state rest upon four pillars:
- Role as the central circulatory system of domestic trade: Wildberries plays a critical role in the architecture of the modern Russian economy, connecting millions of consumers with tens of thousands of SMEs. Damage to distribution centers severe supply chains, triggering localized shortages of essential consumer goods and regional inflationary spikes. The primary goal is to destabilize the domestic market and create an artificial supply vacuum.
- Immense facility footprints and defense complexity: Spanning hundreds of thousands of square meters across the nation, these hangars constitute massive targets with high radar contrast. Unlike military bases, these commercial warehouses cannot possess their own air defense systems; placing every such facility under an air defense umbrella is physically impossible without compromising frontline systems.
- Social and psychological impact: In the eyes of the public, logistics centers symbolize daily economic stability. Black plumes of smoke visible from miles away, massive fires, and civilian casualties represent a hybrid terror tactic designed to transport an atmosphere of fear deep into peaceful cities and shake the internal socio-political climate.
- Magnified radius of economic impact: Inventory consumed by flames in these warehouses generally consists of stock purchased by merchants on credit. The destruction of commodity inventories holds the potential to cause mass vendor bankruptcies, bank loan defaults, and cascading layoffs across small businesses.
The events of July 2026 mark an irreversible shift in the threat landscape facing Russian commerce and macroeconomics. Attacks directed at Wildberries hubs in regions such as St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Tambov exposed the utter vulnerability of civilian logistics infrastructure.
Deploying relatively inexpensive unmanned aerial vehicles, the enemy is capable of inflicting tens of billions of rubles in direct damage, paralyzing the supply of essential goods, and triggering an acute social crisis in which hundreds of thousands of entrepreneurs face the threat of bankruptcy. According to Russian experts, the total cost of a single fire—similar to the Kotovsk incident on July 18—can range between 50 and 100 billion Rubles ($630 million – $1.2 billion USD).
Despite its massive capital reserves, corporate business was caught unprepared for military threats. The medium-term survival of the e-commerce economy depends on the state and the private sector uniting to engineer unprecedented systemic solutions. Establishing compensation funds and introducing mandatory risk-distribution mechanisms are critical steps that must be taken.
Logistics hubs will remain open targets unless a “state program for subsidized reinsurance of military risks” is established for the critical nodes of the civilian economy. In the future, it will not suffice for large enterprises merely to pour capital into the physical protection of infrastructure; they must also deeply decentralize their logistics networks to prevent the concentration of goods and capital at single points of failure.
Opinion
Egypt Under Fire: What Does the Damietta Strike Mean for Global Energy Markets?
Dr. Ahmed Moustafa, Director & Founder, Asia Center for Studies & Translation, Egypt
For the first time since successive waves of escalation between Washington and Tehran began in recent months, an Egyptian liquefied natural gas (LNG) export facility has become a direct target.
In the early hours of Wednesday, 29 July 2026, at least one drone struck the floating storage unit Energos Winter, owned and operated by a U.S. company and sailing under the Marshall Islands flag, while it was moored at the Mediterranean port of Damietta. The impact ignited a fire that spread to a neighboring LNG carrier, GasLog Salem. Egyptian authorities confirmed that the blaze was brought under control without any reported casualties, while no group had claimed responsibility for the attack at the time of writing.

A Broader Context That Cannot Be Ignored
The incident did not occur in a vacuum. It came only hours after the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that it had conducted joint strikes with Saudi forces targeting armed factions in Iraq accused of launching drone attacks against Saudi oil facilities. Tehran responded by warning against a “miscalculation,” at a time when the Middle East is still grappling with the repercussions of an earlier round of escalation that erupted on 8 July, when U.S. forces carried out strikes inside Iranian territory following an attack on a commercial vessel in the Strait of Hormuz. Iran retaliated with attacks targeting U.S. military bases in Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and the Sultanate of Oman.
Against this tense backdrop, Damietta appears to represent yet another link in the chain of regional escalation—but an exceptional one. For decades, Egypt has sought to keep itself removed from direct military polarization in the region, unlike several Gulf states that have increasingly become arenas of open confrontation.
At the same time, this interpretation does not entirely rule out the possibility of an indirect Israeli role, driven by hostility toward Egypt’s growing diplomatic influence in the Palestinian and Gaza files. Cairo has remained committed to advancing the two-state solution and to implementing the second and third phases of the peace roadmap agreed upon following the Sharm El-Sheikh Peace Summit last October. The Israeli government, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, has sought to obstruct these efforts. Netanyahu, who is the subject of arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court, is widely accused of bearing responsibility for committing genocide that, according to Palestinian authorities, have resulted in the deaths of approximately 73,000 Palestinian civilians since 7 October 2023.
Why Egypt?
Over the past two years, Egypt has steadily strengthened its position as a regional hub for liquefying and re-exporting natural gas. This growing role has been supported by its two LNG plants at Idku and Damietta, in addition to a network of pipelines linking the country with Israel and Cyprus.
This infrastructure—unmatched elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean in terms of combined liquefaction capacity and direct access to European and global markets—has transformed Damietta and Idku into critical gateways for Eastern Mediterranean gas, including increasing volumes of Israeli/Stolen Palestinian natural gas liquefied and re-exported through Egyptian facilities.
According to local reports, the Energos Winter alone was supplying approximately 450 million cubic feet of gas per day to Egypt’s national grid and was preparing to receive four additional cargoes during August.
This expanding role gives any attack on Egypt’s gas infrastructure significance far beyond the immediate incident itself. It threatens not only Egypt’s domestic energy supplies but also a supply chain upon which Europe has increasingly relied as part of its strategy to diversify away from Russian natural gas.
Who Was Behind the Attack? Open Scenarios
At the time of writing, no organization had officially claimed responsibility, leaving several possible interpretations.
The first scenario cautions against prematurely attributing responsibility to Iran or its regional allies. It argues that the ambiguity surrounding the incident—and the absence of any claim of responsibility—may itself be deliberate, allowing whichever actor carried out the attack to undermine Egyptian stability without incurring immediate political costs.
This possibility includes actors competing over Eastern Mediterranean energy routes, as well as local or transnational groups pursuing agendas unrelated to the U.S.-Iran confrontation. Egyptian officials themselves have adopted a notably cautious approach. Egypt’s Minister of Information warned against “rushing to accuse any party,” while a former official suggested that “certain actors are seeking to drag Egypt into the conflict,” implying that the attack may have been designed precisely to draw Cairo into a confrontation it has consistently sought to avoid.
A second scenario, Israeli Involvement or the Involvement of Israel’s Allies
This, in itself, remains a serious hypothesis that is reportedly being discussed in undisclosed investigative circles. The prevailing analyses, supported by pro-Israeli and pro-American narratives, have largely centered on suspicions directed at Iran or Iran-aligned actors within the context of the ongoing conflict, rather than at Tel Aviv. This is partly because Israel maintains an energy partnership with Egypt, making any attack on an Egyptian export terminal potentially detrimental to its own natural gas interests.
Nevertheless, this hypothesis—like all others—must ultimately be assessed in light of the findings of the official investigations, which are still underway. It is worth recalling, however, that repeated warnings have been voiced regarding the visits of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Washington, as such visits have often been followed by heightened regional instability, as was argued after developments last December. According to this line of analysis, Netanyahu seeks to prolong the conflict with Iran in order to strengthen his domestic political position, secure his continuation in office, and advance Israel’s long-term strategic objective of neutralizing Iran and carrying out “Greater Israel.”
Within this framework, some analysts argue that there are broader efforts to weaken both Egypt and Türkey. They cite remarks attributed to a former Mossad operative during appearances on Israeli television, alleging that such a strategy would also serve to divert international attention away from the Gaza file and the question of Palestinian statehood—an issue on which Egypt has intensified its diplomatic efforts in recent days. According to this interpretation, creating indirect pressure on Egypt—the region’s most stable and secure state—could be viewed as a means of drawing Cairo into a wider regional confrontation.
A third scenario links the incident directly to the broader U.S.-Iran escalation. According to the article, The New York Times, citing two Iranian sources, reported that the attack may have been intended as a signal that global shipping and energy supplies could face deeper disruptions should Tehran or its allies choose to escalate further. The sources, however, did not identify the perpetrators or specify the launch point of the drone.
The Messages Behind the Attack
Regardless of who carried out the operation, the choice of target sends several important signals. An attack on what the article describes as the first American-owned energy asset on Egyptian soil would convey a message to Washington that not only its military installations in the Gulf, but also its economic footprint across the region, has become increasingly vulnerable.
For Egypt, which has consistently pursued a policy of strategic restraint and regional neutrality, the incident serves as a reminder that its geographic position—adjacent to some of the world’s most important energy and maritime corridors—no longer guarantees insulation from the conflicts unfolding around it.
For global markets, the attack suggests that the geographic scope of potential disruption is expanding beyond the Strait of Hormuz and the Arabian Gulf into the Eastern Mediterranean, increasing insurance premiums for shipping and critical energy infrastructure in a region long regarded as comparatively secure.
Egypt’s Official Response
The Egyptian government handled the incident with considerable caution and procedural professionalism, treating it primarily as a crisis-management operation rather than a political event.
The Cabinet confirmed that the fire had been caused by a drone attack without attributing responsibility to any specific party, emphasizing that investigations were continuing “to take all necessary measures to safeguard Egypt’s interests and national security.”
Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly described the response as a test of the state’s crisis-management capabilities, praising emergency teams for successfully moving the burning vessels away from the port, thereby preventing what could have become a far larger disaster.
President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi addressed the incident publicly for the first time during a telephone conversation with Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. During the call, he confirmed that the competent authorities were conducting a comprehensive investigation, warned of the dangers posed by the escalating regional situation, and stressed the importance of cooperation between Egypt and the international community to contain the crisis while adhering to peaceful solutions.
This measured diplomatic approach—avoiding direct accusations while emphasizing de-escalation—reflects Cairo’s determination not to be drawn into a broader regional confrontation despite having come under direct attack on its own territory.
Several Gulf states also expressed their full solidarity with Egypt and voiced support for its efforts to safeguard its national security and sovereignty.
The Impact on Global Energy Markets
The Damietta incident occurred at a time when global energy markets were already under considerable strain. Brent crude had been hovering around US$90 per barrel following the escalation of 8 July, while the European Title Transfer Facility (TTF) benchmark for natural gas had climbed above US$700 per 1,000 cubic meters for the first time since March.
Any additional disruption affecting an Egyptian LNG export terminal risks reinforcing this upward trend. Europe has increasingly relied on Egyptian liquefied natural gas as part of its broader strategy to diversify supplies away from Russian pipeline gas. Consequently, even a temporary interruption to Egypt’s export infrastructure could heighten market concerns over supply security.
The incident also adds to the geopolitical risk premium already factored into insurance costs for vessels operating in the Eastern Mediterranean. Higher perceived risks could translate into increased shipping and insurance costs for LNG carriers throughout the region, even if subsequent investigations conclude that the attack was an isolated event unlikely to be repeated.
What Should Be Done to Prevent Similar Incidents?
First, Egypt should further strengthen its short-range air defense capabilities and counter-drone systems around strategic energy installations along its Mediterranean coastline. This includes deploying advanced early-warning radar networks and cost-effective interception systems capable of neutralizing small unmanned aerial vehicles before they reach critical infrastructure.
Second, broader regional intelligence-sharing mechanisms should be expanded among Egypt and neighboring states—including Cyprus, Greece, and Türkiye—in recognition of the increasingly interconnected nature of Eastern Mediterranean gas infrastructure and the shared strategic importance of safeguarding regional energy corridors.
Third, given that the targeted floating storage unit is owned by a U.S. company, Washington should contribute to financing and modernizing the protection of such critical infrastructure rather than limiting its response to statements indicating that it is merely “monitoring the situation,” as the article characterizes the U.S. reaction.
Finally—and perhaps most importantly—reducing the broader cycle of regional escalation between Washington and Tehran remains the only sustainable guarantee against similar incidents in the future. Any purely technical or localized security measures can mitigate immediate risks but cannot eliminate them so long as the underlying geopolitical drivers of confrontation remain unresolved.
Conclusion
The Damietta incident serves as a stark reminder that geographic neutrality alone is no longer sufficient to shield a country that has become a pivotal node in the global energy network.
References:
1- https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c39ez3klwmro
4- https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/29/world/middleeast/ships-drone-strike-egypt.html
Opinion
Rising populist parties in Europe and liberalism
Leon Trotsky, one of the foremost leaders of the October Revolution, defined fascism as the totalitarian organization of society by monopoly capital. Magnates of large-scale monopoly capital are acutely aware that their profits cannot be safeguarded in the absence of authoritarian political power. Thus, fascism finds its bedrock of support among capitalist forces, the grand bourgeoisie, monopoly capital circles, and major landowners. We are all too familiar with the calamities fascism wrought upon the world in the era preceding the Second World War.
The post–World War II era is often commemorated as the golden age of capitalism—a period characterized by robust growth rates and low unemployment. Real wages climbed, social rights expanded, demands for a welfare state remained vibrant, and the pursuit of a social state yielded tangible results. This era ultimately met its demise in the 1970s, undone by shifts in the regime of accumulation and structural economic crises.
Today, across Europe, political parties that could virtually be characterized as the direct successors to pre-WWII fascist movements are consolidating their electoral gains. Germany, France, and Italy serve as quintessential examples. These parties weaponize poverty, unemployment, and anti-foreigner, anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim, and anti-Middle Eastern sentiments, while capitalizing on the incompetence of traditional center-right and center-left parties and taking a deeply Eurosceptic, critical stance toward the European Union. They employ caustic rhetoric against the political elites who have dominated governance for decades. Receiving endorsement from both US President Trump and Russian leader Putin, they draw substantial support simultaneously from working-class constituencies—traditionally the bedrock of the left—and from grand capital circles. While monopoly capital quietly pats these populist movements on the back, it simultaneously winks at liberal-democratic and increasingly indistinguishable social-democratic parties that champion unbridled capitalism and aggressive liberalism. Beyond France and Germany, examples abound from Italy to the United Kingdom…
The interests of grand capital, which back populist regimes and advocate authoritarian governance, also champion localization. For the erosion of the national, the public, and the collective—alongside the attenuation of the central state and the elevation of the local—works decisively to the advantage of big capital.
Why?
Because of this:
Under liberalism, the state does not regulate the market; rather, the market regulates, directs, and subdues both the state and society. In a liberal order, the state is expected to act on behalf of capital and in favor of the market—intervening in politics, society, and the law, and enacting statutory frameworks strictly to this end. The state is tasked with engineering legal and institutional arrangements for the market’s account and benefit. Society is reduced to a market-society, wherein the citizen is reimagined as a consumer, a client, and an entrepreneur. Since competition is elevated as the supreme imperative, citizens themselves must become entrepreneurial and competitive—a posture the state actively promotes and incentivizes.
According to liberals, the state bears no obligation to shield its citizens from the pitiless mechanics of the market or the ferocity of unchecked capitalism. On the contrary, the state demands and encourages that citizens establish themselves as entrepreneurial actors within the market arena. Consequently, the state aligns itself with capital, operating at its beck and call. Hence, liberalism harbors an innate preference for unorganized, non-unionized, cheap labor. Wages are suppressed; agricultural subsidies are gutted to a minimum; and strikes are banned on the flimsiest of pretexts.
Because liberalism insists that the state be sculpted, organized, and driven according to market demands—allowing the market to command and direct the state—the liberal vision of the nexus between politics and economics, as well as politics and law, is deeply fractured. In their worldview, law must operate exclusively to the advantage of capital, acting as the vigilant sentinel for the inviolability of property rights. It must dismantle every obstacle standing in the way of free trade, unbridled competition, and the free market, while swiftly and severely penalizing any force that dares to impede them. To conform to the expectations and demands of capital: this is the primary imperative required of the law.
In sum, through its championing of identity politics, its reduction of the citizen to a mere client, and its liquidation of the state’s social character in order to place public power at the disposal of capital, liberalism stands fundamentally opposed to the social, the public, and the national. This is a truth that must be firmly impressed upon left-liberals, nationalist-liberals, and conservative-liberals alike.
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