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EAST MEDITERRANEAN

The ‘Typhoon’ that broke off in the Aegean Sea

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Erdogan’s statements caused a storm in Greece. The reason for the unrest is that the dispute, which previously focused on the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean, extends directly to mainland Greece and the ability to “hit” outside the NATO umbrella, that is, the existence of ‘Tayfun’ (Typhoon).

The ongoing strategic problems between Türkiye and Greece are growing away from context by verbal quarrels. While these quarrels occasionally cause tension to escalate, the actual situation, which is the main reason for the debate, continues to function in the area. President Tayyip Erdogan’s warning to Athens over Tayfun missiles was handled through its bitterness rather than the actual situation that caused that warning, and it resonated in the Atlantic capitals only through its dosage.

Erdogan’s ‘Tayfun’ statement

While President Erdogan was explaining Türkiye’s advances in the defense industry at a youth meeting in Samsun, he brought the issue to Tayfun, Türkiye’s first ‘short-range ballistic missile’ that the public was aware of when it was test-fired in October: “…Now we have started to make our own missiles. Of course, this production frightens the Greek. When you say ‘Tayfun’ (Typhoon), the Greek is scared. They (Greece) say it will hit Athens. Of course, it will hit. If you try to buy something (to arm) from here and there, from America to the islands, a country like Türkiye will not be a bystander. It has to do something.”

Why did it cause unrest?

Erdogan’s statements were widely debated in Greece. The dominant view in the press is that the rhetoric in the statement was the most aggressive so far. The issue was addressed by the determinations of whether Greece was within the range of Tayfun. The reason for this tension is that the dispute, which previously focused on the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean, extends directly to mainland Greece. In other words, President Erdogan, by referring to the land intervention earlier, said “We can come suddenly one night” for the islands whose sovereignty, which are miles away from the mainland of Greece, is controversial or should be disarmed according to international agreements. This time, Erdogan’s statement directly targeted Greece. Almost all the country’s newspapers used the same headline: “If they don’t stand still, we’ll shoot.” One of the reasons why President Erdogan’s statement created indignation different from his previous statements is the opportunity and ability to “shoot” outside the NATO umbrella, that is, the existence of Tayfun.

‘North Korea’ analogy

The response to President Erdogan’s remarks was given with “North Korea” analogy. Greece’s Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias said Erdogan’s remarks were “unacceptable”, with reference to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (KDHC), which is not internationally recognized and frequently finds itself on the agenda by missile attempts, he said, “There is and should be no place for North Korean attitudes in the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO).”

The U.S. deems the remarks provocative

Erdogan’s statements also received comment from the United States, which is at the center of the Ankara-Athens tensions with its military buildup in Greece. At a daily press conference, U.S. State Department Spokesperson Ned Price answered a question about President Erdogan’s remarks: “Well, look, we regret this escalation of provocative statements. It is especially regrettable at a time when unity and cooperation is needed most among our own NATO Allies. We urge all our allies to avoid threats and provocative rhetoric. All that an escalation of rhetoric will do is to raise tensions and to distract us from the unity of purpose, the unity of purpose that we need to confront any number of challenges, not the least of which, of course, is the threat that the Alliance potentially faces from Russia.”

The truth that is overshadowed by the quarrels

The bitter causes of the tension between Greece and Türkiye seem to be losing their importance in all the “grumbling”. The disputes between the two countries fall into below categories:

  • Islands, islets, and rocks in Aegean sovereignty disputes
  • Military buildup on the Aegean islands, which were given to Greece provided that these islands are demilitarized
  • Airspace dispute largely arising from the sovereignty debate on the islands
  • Continental shelf and exclusive economic zone dispute arise from the island in Eastern Mediterranean
  • A new crisis recently added to the above historical problems between the two countries: making Greece and the controversial islands a U.S. base.

In all these categories, it is possible to say that great progress has been made in favor of Athens outside the airspace: its sovereignty has opened some controversial islands to settlement, despite the high cost they have brought, and if not, it has erected their flag. According to international agreements, Greece has stacked weapons on the islands that need to be disarmed, and it continue to stack them. It managed to sign mutual EEZ treaties with many countries on the coast of the Eastern Mediterranean… Among these quarrels, we can say that “Greek ship has sailed.”

A contradiction…

On the other hand, the fact that the United States came into play as an “old ally” is another topic. “There are nine US bases right now. Against whom were they established? The answer they give is ‘against Russia.’ We don’t buy it, take no offense,” Erdogan had said about the U.S. bases in Greece. Erdogan has several statements implying that Athens is being used as a pawn and that the main “enemy” against Türkiye is the United States. So, is the AK Party government following policies in accordance with the definition of “main enemy”, it is controversial.

Of course, this does not mean that Türkiye has not done anything. The agreement signed with Libya in the Eastern Mediterranean, the Egyptian route, which was noticed and tried to be corrected, even though it was late, and the diplomatic initiatives before the United Nations are some of the important steps taken by Türkiye.

Greece’s success lies in its handling of the problem as an “East-West problem” since the beginning, rather than its diplomatic genius. Türkiye’s real confrontation with the problem, which has been kept waiting at the door of the Western camp for many years, is considered new in this sense. What Athens has succeeded in is demanding that the U.S. and the EU react to Türkiye in all matters, arguing that it is a “victim of Turkish aggression”. The success of Turkish officials in this regard should not be underestimated.

Tayfun effect

So, how can Türkiye eliminate both the steps taken by Greece in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean with the assurance of the Atlantic and the threats directed at itself through Greece?

It is true that the greatest guarantee of peace is deterrence. The first element of deterrence is undoubtedly military power. In this respect, Tayfun, Türkiye’s first short-range ballistic missile launched from Rize in its first attempt and reaching Sinop offshore in 456 seconds over the Black Sea, is a critical defense industry move beyond popular discussions.

The missile doubles the range of the most advanced missile Türkiye has ever produced. More importantly, it exceeds the 300 km range limit of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) to which Türkiye participated in 1997. The regime’s overt goal is to prevent a handful of US-led countries with the ability and capability to produce their own ballistic missiles from accessing this highly deterrent technology. Although the details of Tayfun’s production have not been shared with the public, according to the most probable result of this restriction, Türkiye can produce these deterrent missiles, which it cannot buy due to the agreement it is a party to, with its own means and capability.

It is not clear when Tayfun will enter the inventory, but after the release of the trial footage in mid-October, some media outlets, fed by the call to war, reported the footage by stating that “its range reaches Greece.” Greek press, which “outperform” Turkish media on the issue of publicity, kept the development on the agenda with the same topics for days.

Tayfun missile is a critical threshold for the Turkish defense industry, although its importance cannot be fully perceived due to its focus on Greece. There are very few countries in the world that can produce short-range missiles with their own means. Rather than using this technology, which is described as “deterrent”, it is important that it is included in the inventory of a country. Greece seems to be more aware of this issue than Türkiye.

Diplomatic attack

The second element of deterrence, which is as important as the first, is building regional-territorial alliances based on common interests. Taking more determined diplomatic steps for Egypt and Syria in the Eastern Mediterranean has become an indispensable necessity. Türkiye should find a way to break the surrounding circle for itself with fair economic agreements and social and cultural projects that pursue common interests with the countries of the region.

Today, unless there is a direct attack from the disputed islands, it is a remote possibility for Türkiye to bring up the military option. However, every position to be gained in the Eastern Mediterranean will weaken the hand of Greece in the Aegean. The maritime boundary delimitation agreement with Libya must also be quickly put on the agenda with Egypt. On the other hand, natural gas exploration efforts, which have been suspended for two years due to talks with Greece, should be brought up again, perhaps the first route could be Libya’s territorial waters. Of course, not to drag the TRNC, which is the biggest trump card in the Eastern Mediterranean, to the unsolvable processes of the United Nations again and to accelerate the concrete steps towards the recognition of the TRNC as an independent state will strengthen Türkiye’s hand and deterrence.

EAST MEDITERRANEAN

Germany pushes for ‘positive’ message to Turkey at EU summit

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Germany has stepped up pressure in recent days for a ‘positive’ message on the future of EU-Turkey relations to be included in the final declaration of the EU summit, Euractiv has learned.

Two EU diplomats confirmed to Euractiv that Berlin is pushing for the inclusion of a paragraph in the final text of the EU summit conclusions urging the European Commission to continue monitoring the development of EU-Turkey relations.

After months of escalating relations between Greece, Cyprus and Turkey, the EU’s chief diplomat Josep Borrell prepared a report on the state of play of EU-Turkey political, economic and trade relations in early 2023.

Although the first report was completed in November 2023, it could not be discussed due to the busy agenda of EU leaders at the last three summits.

However, according to Euractiv, Cyprus wanted a “proper” discussion at this summit before sending a “positive” message, as suggested by Germany.

An EU diplomat told Euractiv that European Council President Charles Michel was not keen to discuss the issue because of the heavy agenda.

Relations with Athens, migration and satisfaction with sanctions against Russia

According to Euractiv, the European Commission would like to see a reference to a possible EU-Turkey discussion between EU leaders in the final declaration and, at best, a reference to Borrell’s November report.

According to EU officials, positive steps have been taken in recent months, with improved relations with Greece (especially on migration) and special measures taken against Russian sanctions-busting.

However, there are still ‘some concerns’ about President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s description of Hamas as a ‘liberation group fighting to preserve Palestinian land’ rather than a ‘terrorist organisation’.

Cyprus issue stands out as main obstacle

According to Euractiv, there are also some concerns about Ankara’s stance on Cyprus. Sources in Athens stress that Greece could accept a paragraph calling on the Commission to continue the EU-Turkey situation reports.

However, the same sources said that this paragraph should include the following statement from the previous EUCO conclusions “The European Council reiterates the EU’s readiness to engage with Turkey in a gradual, proportionate and reversible way to enhance cooperation in various areas of common interest”.

In addition, the Greek Cypriot side asked for the inclusion of a sentence clarifying that the European Council should have the “last word” on any political decision concerning Turkey.

Cyprus asked for the inclusion of an EU representative on the Cyprus problem, but not all member states agree, Euractiv reported.

Finally, Cyprus asked for the inclusion of the EU’s line on the Cyprus problem, i.e. a bi-communal, bi-national federal solution, in opposition to Turkey’s efforts for a two-state solution.

Athens and Nicosia react to Erdoğan’s comments

Tensions have eased in recent months as Greece and Turkey have engaged in dialogue to improve bilateral relations.

But earlier this week Erdogan provoked the ire of Athens and Nicosia when he said: “Maybe even if we were burdened with the south, I say this as a son of today, there would be no more south-north, there would be no more south-north, Cyprus would be completely ours.”

Cyprus said the statement was “unacceptable”. In Greece, a source in the Greek Foreign Ministry argued that Erdogan’s “statements on the illegal occupation of Cyprus in 1974 constitute a blatant distortion of historical facts and an insult to the memory of the victims”.

The source pointed out that these remarks were made at a time when efforts are underway to resume negotiations under the auspices of the UN, within the framework of UN Security Council resolutions, for the settlement of the Cyprus problem.

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Tehran-Riyadh rapprochement may be the key in Arash/Durra

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Tehran has called for negotiations over the disputed gas field between Iran, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. A Riyadh-Tehran rapprochement could help bring the parties to a settlement in the gas field, which has not been shared since the 1960s.

After Iran announced it would drill in the Arash/Durra gas field in the Persian Gulf, Kuwait and then Saudi Arabia claimed that the field belonged to them.

The controversy started when Mohsen Khojestemehr, Managing Director of the National Iranian Oil Company, announced that “preparations to start drilling in the oil field have been completed.” “The board of directors of the National Oil Company has been allocated a significant amount of resources to implement the development plan for this field,” Khojestemehr said, according to Iranian state media.

Following Iran’s announcement, an anonymous Kuwaiti Foreign Ministry official said that the Arash/Durra Gas Field in the Persian Gulf and its natural wealth, the subject of the dispute with Iran, belongs entirely to Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. The official called on Iran to sit down with Kuwait and Saudi Arabia and start negotiations to define the maritime border between the two countries.

A day later, a similar call came from Saudi Arabia. Riyadh argued that the entire Durra field belongs to Saudi Arabia and Kuwait and urged Iran to “sit down at the table”.

The Arash/Durra Gas Field in the Persian Gulf, discovered in 1967, has been causing problems between Iran and Kuwait for years. The Iranian side of the gas field is called Arash, while the Kuwaiti side is known as Durra.

Saudi Arabia and Kuwait signed an agreement in March 2022 to develop the Durra Gas Field. Iran, on the other hand, argued that the agreement was “illegal” and announced that it would start drilling in the region.

Kuwait and Saudi Arabia had previously called on Iran to negotiate on this issue, but there was no response from Tehran.

Robin Mills, CEO of Dubai-based Qamar Energy, told The National, “The Saudi-Iran restoration of diplomatic relations included talk of developing joint oil fields. Kuwait has held negotiations with Iran on the border but maintains its position that Al Durra belongs entirely to Kuwait and Saudi Arabia”.

Nora Bakhsh, a researcher on Saudi Arabia and the Gulf, said that the rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia was looking positive so far, but these negotiations are still in the beginning stages and Tehran’s claims to Al Durra could pose additional challenges to them.

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Dibeybe and Haftar agree on “Government of Reconciliation”

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Libya’s Government of National Unity (GNA) and Khalifa Haftar, the leader of the armed forces in the east of the country, have reportedly reached a consensus on the formation of a new “Government of Reconciliation”. This agreement was reflected in the meeting of the “6+6” committee formed to prepare the legal framework for the elections in the Moroccan capital, Rabat. The committee agreed on the formation of a joint government to manage the election process.

Cairo-based negotiations between Tripoli and Benghazi have been taking place for a long time. The most important item on the agenda of these talks is to determine the laws that will lead the country to elections. The most important disagreement in this context is the relevant articles that will determine whether Khalifa Haftar, the leader of the armed forces in the east of the country, will be a candidate. It is claimed that a consensus has been reached in the talks deadlocked because the government in Tripoli opposed Haftar’s candidacy. The deal is based on the formation of a joint government that will lead the country to elections. Accordingly, a source close to the Libyan government told AA, “During the negotiations between the delegations of the two sides in the Egyptian capital Cairo, an agreement was reached that the prime minister should be from the west of the country and his deputy from the east.” According to the source, who requested anonymity, according to the agreement between the two sides, GNU Premier Dibeybe will continue to serve as prime minister in the new government in exchange for Haftar’s renunciation of the pressure he exerted to prevent him from participating in the presidential elections. In other words, Dibeybe will not object to the electoral law’s exclusion of articles preventing “dual citizens and soldiers” from running for the presidency, paving the way for Haftar’s presidential candidacy.

The consensus in the informal Cairo-based negotiations was reflected in the talks in Rabat of the UN-supervised “6+6” committee to prepare the legal framework for the elections. According to a Libya Observer briefing last night, the meeting agreed on the rules for the election of the President and members of the National Assembly. Accordingly, they agreed to form a unified government to run the election process.

Consisting of 6 members each from the Libyan Supreme Council of State and the House of Representatives, the Committee for the Electoral Laws started its meetings in Rabat on Monday, May 22, to draft the laws for the elections planned to be held this year.

An anonymous Libyan member of the Committee told AA that logistical issues were discussed during the meeting with the UN Special Envoy to Libya and the UN Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) election official. The member said that issues such as the individual electoral system and electoral lists were discussed during the talks, adding that closed and open lists, the majority system, the seats to be allocated to women and internal migration issues were also discussed in the meeting. The Libyan official noted that the 6+6 committee discussed these issues both among themselves and with the UN official.

The “Constitutional Declaration”, announced after the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi’s rule in Libya (1969-2011), is considered the provisional constitution in the country. The Committee for the Electoral Laws, consisting of 6 members each from the Libyan Supreme State Council and the House of Representatives, is planned to amend Article 13 of the Constitutional Declaration, regarded as the constitutional basis for the elections in the country.

Haftar eliminated Bashagha

On the other hand, it was claimed that Fathi Basaga was suspended from his post since he rejected the reconciliation between Dibeybe and Haftar.

The source who spoke to AA said that Bashagha did not want to take a lower-level post in the new government, “Bashagha refused to be Dibeybe’s deputy. For this reason, Haftar put pressure on the House of Representatives to remove Bashagha.”

In his resignation letter addressed to the Presidency of the House of Representatives in Tobruk on May 16, Bashagha said, “I express that Libyan Deputy Prime Minister Ali Faraj al-Katrani was assigned with all our duties and authorities.” On the same day, in a session held in the House of Representatives in Tobruk, an investigation was launched against Fathi Bashaga, who was elected Prime Minister for the east of the country in February 2022.

Abdullah Bliheg, the House spokesperson, stated in a written statement that “the Parliament voted by majority for the dismissal of Libyan Premier Fathi Bashagha and the opening of an investigation against him on charges of damaging public property” and stated that Osama Hammad, Minister of Finance and Planning, was appointed as acting Prime Minister for the seat vacated by Bashagha.

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