The German government plans to stop publicly disclosing the number of conscientious objectors in the country, classifying the data as restricted due to national security concerns, according to a parliamentary response.

The decision was disclosed on Monday by the German Peace Society – United War Resisters (DFG-VK), citing a response to a formal inquiry submitted by several members of parliament from the Left Party (Die Linke).

According to a report by the newspaper junge Welt (jW), lawmakers had questioned the federal government earlier this month regarding how many individuals contacted since January 1, 2026, had applied for conscientious objector status, as well as the total number of such recognition applications filed this year.

The government classified this information as “VS-Nur für den Dienstgebrauch” (Restricted—For Official Use Only), citing “public interest” requirements.

Berlin justified the classification by labeling the number of conscientious objectors as sensitive information, stating that “disclosure to unauthorized persons could damage the interests of the Federal Republic of Germany or one of its states.”

According to the federal government, making the response public could allow external parties to draw conclusions about the Bundeswehr’s (German Armed Forces) expansion capacity and personnel planning based on the requested figures.

The government further argued that when combined with other data, “the exact publication of these figures could lead to conclusions regarding the future structure and personnel readiness of specific capabilities of the armed forces, and thus the defense capability of the Federal Republic of Germany.”

Historically, Berlin has made these figures public. On Monday, DFG-VK criticized the government’s refusal to provide current statistics on conscientious objection.

Cornelia Mannewitz, national spokesperson for DFG-VK, described the move as “a new low for the government in terms of transparency.”

Mannewitz argued that the data does not concern “secret deployment plans, weapons systems, or military capabilities,” but rather “individuals exercising their right to conscientious objection.”

Until now, the federal government had not handled this information so restrictively. In recent years, it regularly provided detailed statistics on conscientious objection applications.

For instance, approximately 3,000 applications were reported for 2024, rising to around 7,700 for 2025. According to junge Welt, this upward trend is likely the reason behind the government’s new secrecy policy.

For the current year, the government only disclosed that approximately 110 conscientious objection applications submitted prior to medical examinations had been rejected.

DFG-VK strongly contested the justification that withholding the information serves the “public interest.”

The association argued that the right to conscientious objection must not be “politically marginalized” or “rendered statistically invisible.”

According to DFG-VK, a “democracy” must be resilient enough to allow visibility over how many people choose not to perform military service.

“Those who keep this number secret are not protecting the country’s security; instead, they are preventing public debate on militarization and the social acceptance of military service,” Mannewitz said.

Elsewhere, indications are growing that the Bundeswehr’s large-scale promotional campaign is not progressing as the government hopes, facing significant resistance particularly within schools.

On Monday, the Brandenburg Ministry of Education and Youth announced it had signed a cooperation agreement with the “Bundeswehr Information Center”—the military’s promotional unit—to guarantee the armed forces “binding access” to students in Brandenburg in the future.

Gordon Hoffmann, the Education Minister from the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), emphasized: “School is a central place where young people develop their political judgment and engage with issues of peace, security, and responsibility.”

The minister added that cooperation between schools and the Bundeswehr strengthens this “capacity for judgment” and provides “insights into the responsibility of the state.”

However, the move has sparked controversy. Falk Peschel, the education policy spokesperson for the Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) parliamentary group in the state parliament, told junge Welt on Monday that the legislature had not been informed of the agreement’s text in advance.

New European Union member states face probationary periods exceeding 15 years, during which they will lose their national veto rights under new “safeguard” clauses in accession treaties, EU Enlargement Commissioner Marta Kos said following the formal launch of accession negotiations with Ukraine and Moldova.

The long duration of the proposed safeguards follows anger over Budapest’s refusal earlier this year to back a €90 billion loan package for Ukraine, as well as persistent criticism that Hungary, which joined the EU in 2004, has repeatedly violated rule-of-law conditions established by Brussels.

Describing the decision to launch the first “cluster” of membership negotiations with both nations as “Mega Monday,” Kos appeared to endorse proposals supported by France, Germany, and other member states to restrict new members from voting on budget, security, and foreign policy decisions.

The decision to initiate a new formal round of accession talks with Ukraine and Moldova comes amid demands from a growing number of national governments for protective measures should new member states roll back reforms related to democracy, the rule of law, or press freedom.

“This will be a new generation of accession treaties, in the sense that we will have new safeguards,” Kos said.

Kos added that the objective of the provisions concerning the new probationary periods is “to ensure that when new members are admitted, they will comply with European rules for 5, 10, or 15 years after joining.”

Last week, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg demanded new clauses to ensure that future EU members “do not undermine the EU’s capacity to act.”

Kos stressed that despite the introduction of these new clauses, the accession of any candidate country to the EU would not result in a second-tier or associate status.

“Full membership will only be possible when member states meet all requirements; there is no such thing as half-membership or quarter-membership. There is only full membership,” Kos said.

From fire departments to disaster relief organizations, Germany’s civil institutions are actively preparing for a potential military conflict with Russia, establishing a highly integrated civil-military defense architecture.

According to a report by German Foreign Policy, in the event of war, conscientious objectors will be deployed in civilian roles specifically designed to support troop movements and other military operations.

This development is aligned with demands outlined in a position paper by the German Firefighters Association, which states that the public must be empowered to independently manage “extreme or prolonged disaster situations.”

Concurrently, the federal government plans to integrate civilian disaster and civil protection organizations more closely into future planning for a potential military conflict with Russia.

This strategy is detailed in a recently disclosed policy document on civil protection issued by the Federal Ministry of the Interior.

According to Defense Minister Boris Pistorius and Interior Minister Nancy Faeser, the document represents “nothing less than the greatest modernization drive for civil protection and civil defense in recent decades.”

The federal government has allocated €10 billion for its implementation. Under this framework, civilian disaster response teams must prepare for the high probability of being called upon to provide operational support to the German Armed Forces (Bundeswehr).

Federal government to establish “Civil Defense Command”

According to the Interior Ministry’s new policy document on civil defense during times of crisis and war, Germany will require “greater integration between civilian and military planning” moving forward.

To achieve this, the Interior Ministry will establish its own steering committee, the “Civil Defense Command,” specifically tasked with executing the “Operational Plan Germany.”

This comprehensive operational plan regulates all activities to be carried out within Germany during a state of war, ranging from the transit of foreign Allied troops to a new eastern front, to securing critical infrastructure and managing mass casualty care.

Interior Minister Faeser emphasized that military and civil defense must be “tightly interconnected,” describing the Bundeswehr and civil protection services as “two sides of the same coin.”

According to the minister, any effort to expand Germany’s “comprehensive defense” must not only strengthen the armed forces but, above all, reinforce civil protection and civil defense capabilities.

The new policy document, titled the “Civil Protection Pact,” is being presented as a “new, fundamental pillar” of the Federal Republic’s security architecture.

According to the Federal Ministry of Defense, the Bundeswehr will no longer be available to assist in domestic civil protection during an emergency, as military forces “will be occupied with entirely different tasks on NATO’s northeastern flank.”

Consequently, the ministry stresses that “Germany must prepare itself for this scenario.”

The militarization of civil protection

Under this framework, officially civilian aid organizations—such as the Federal Agency for Technical Relief (THW), fire departments, and the German Life Saving Society (DLRG)—alongside military reserve forces, are being systematically integrated into civil protection planning.

In addition to allocating new funds, the defense and interior ministries have agreed on structural support measures.

For example, the framework conditions for voluntary service, upon which German civil protection heavily relies, will be upgraded.

The federal government’s emergency warning mobile application, NINA (“Emergency Information and News App”), will be expanded to include nationwide guidelines and recommendations regarding public shelters.

Furthermore, a specialized medical task force is being established to handle “mass casualty events” in the event of “heightened tensions or a state of defense.”

The federal government plans to equip this task force not only with “tens of thousands of modern protective suits for chemical, biological, and radioactive scenarios,” but also with a sufficient supply of tourniquets to stop severe arterial bleeding from blast injuries.

To ensure that “children learn how to behave in emergencies at an early age, facilitate the transfer of this knowledge within families, and stimulate interest in volunteer work,” Berlin plans to integrate civil defense topics directly into school curricula.

Finally, a “new draft legal framework” has been announced. This legislation will empower all relevant institutions to prepare and streamline emergency operations during peacetime crises—such as “hybrid attacks”—well ahead of an official declaration of a state of defense.

Firefighters demand tighter cooperation with the military

The impetus for these measures and the integration of civil defense into war preparations does not originate solely from the state apparatus.

As early as March, the German Firefighters Association published a position paper calling for civil defense structures to prepare for a military conflict with Russia, explicitly citing “current insights from Ukraine.”

The association’s paper calls for the promotion of voluntary service, warning that the mobilization of military reservists for “national defense” is expected to cause “significant personnel shortages that will directly impact the operational readiness of fire departments and aid organizations.”

Additionally, the German healthcare system is projected to face immense pressure due to the “increased transport and treatment of personnel wounded in military operations.”

These challenges will be compounded by the demanding logistics of supporting the transit of NATO forces moving through Germany toward the Eastern Flank.

Beyond peace, before war: Hybrid warfare seeks legal codification

To mitigate these anticipated shortages, the association advocates for the “reintroduction of a service model to replace compulsory military service,” which would integrate future conscientious objectors directly into the militarized civil defense network.

Furthermore, the domestic population is to be trained to “act independently, meet their own basic needs, and implement primary protective measures” during “extreme or prolonged disaster situations.”

Among other measures, civilians will be expected to maintain self-sufficiency for several days. Citizens must acquire basic self-protection and first-aid skills, and develop “risk competence in dealing with natural disasters, technical failures, and armed conflict scenarios.”

According to the association, a “resilient and capable population” is a prerequisite for maintaining the functionality of German society in a crisis or war.

The Firefighters Association is also demanding a distinct legal status for “hybrid threat situations” to bridge the transitional phase between peace and war.

This proposal implies expanding the state’s legal and coercive authority well before a formal state of emergency is declared.

Civilian support for the armed forces

The demands of the German Firefighters Association closely mirror the provisions of the Civil Protection Pact. Both documents align with the previously published Green Paper on “Civil-Military Cooperation 4.0.”

In that report, an expert panel comprising representatives from the military, domestic intelligence, the Interior Ministry, the Federal Office of Civil Protection and Disaster Assistance (BBK), and the consulting firm PricewaterhouseCoopers called for the systematic integration of civil society into war preparations.

The authors of the Green Paper asserted that while Germany is “not yet at war” with Russia, it already operates within a geopolitical “gray zone.”

Consequently, they proposed concrete measures to ensure “effective cooperation in a military crisis.”

The core focus of these proposals is “civilian support for the armed forces in wartime or at potential escalation thresholds during peacetime,” which has now been formally addressed through the implementation of the “Operational Plan Germany.”

Peacetime martial law

The authors of the “Civil-Military Cooperation 4.0” Green Paper argued that a threat from the East necessitates a national “closing of the ranks.”

Under their proposal, all citizens and institutions must understand their designated roles. National and collective Allied defense must not only be rehearsed but actively implemented in the near future.

The paper also emphasized the necessity of new legislation tailored to “hybrid threat” scenarios. Under these proposals, military police would be granted the authority to enforce coercive policing measures domestically during peacetime, prior to the declaration of a state of emergency.

Furthermore, the jurisdiction of the Bundeswehr’s relatively new homeland security forces would be clarified and distinguished from civilian police authority.

Within the framework of military and national service, the authors suggest establishing a multi-year service model dedicated entirely to civilian and disaster relief duties, scaled to match the duration of standard military service.

Ultimately, these proposals aim to extend “emergency laws” into peacetime to mobilize the broadest possible range of civilian capabilities for wartime readiness.