Connect with us

Opinion

Is Indian farmers’ movement 2.0 here?

Published

on

Navkiran Natt

On 20 March 2023, thousands of Indian farmers again made their way to Delhi. They gathered at Delhi’s Ramlila Maidan under the banner of the United Farmers’ Front or Sanyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM). Earlier, on 26 November 2020, farmers from two north Indian states named Punjab and Haryana marched toward the national capital Delhi to resist the three farm laws passed by the Indian government in mid-2020. These were, 1) the Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020; 2) the Farmers Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020 and 3) the Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement of Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020. The agrarian crisis which led to thousands of farmers committing suicides every year and high indebtedness has been demanding reforms. But what the government did was diametrically opposite. Farmers saw it as a final push back towards corporatization and eventual land grab. Hence they organized, mobilized and marched towards Delhi. Farmers were met with brute state force on their way and on 27 November, they were stopped at the borders of Delhi where they finally decided to put up their camps. The visuals of brutality, and farmers’ resistance has ignited both fury and solidarity among the masses. In December 2021, SKM, the leading body of the Indian Farmers’ movement 2020-21 decided to suspend the yearlong live-in protest after the government took back the three controversial farm laws and assured to contemplate the pending demands, including a legal guarantee for MSP and the withdrawal of legal cases lodged against the protesting farmers. A recent farmers’ gathering in Delhi officially broke that suspension. So, here we are again at it. The historic farmers’ movement is back, but why? And what are the rallying points and is the recent historic victory working as a hope or creating performance pressure?

As India is approaching its next parliamentary elections in 2024, farmers again approached Delhi in large numbers. They alleged that the government did not fulfil its promise to take operative steps to resolve the issues faced by farmers. The farmer leaders are now strategizing in a decentralized two-tier manner to be more broad-based and representative of the diverse farming communities and their demands. First, making pan-India solidarities on the broader issues and anchoring the movement in Delhi; and second, mobilizing around local/regional agrarian issues and centering the movement at the state capital level. In terms of issues, nationally, they are focusing on two demands – a loan waiver of all agricultural debt and a legal guarantee of the minimum support price (MSP).

After the liberalization of the Indian economy in 1991, the agrarian crisis aggravated and by the early 2000s it has raised alarm both, socially and politically. Against this backdrop, the Indian government constituted a commission (2004-2006) to look into it. M.S. Swaminathan, who is known as the father of the green revolution in India, was tasked to head the commission. The commission’s recommendations, though dated, had been at the center of the reforms that farmer has been demanding. The commission recommended that the MSP should be at least 50% more than the weighted average cost of production according to the C2+50 percent formula, which is more comprehensive than the formula currently used by the Indian government. So, the Indian government’s claim of giving 50% over and above the cost doesn’t hold much ground in reality. The C2+50 percent formula takes the cost of inputs, family labour, rentals and any other cost incurred in the process, rather than how much the farmer paid out during that agricultural cycle. Along with it, the commission recommended improvement in the implementation of MSP. Arrangements for MSP need to be put in place for crops other than paddy and wheat which are the two main crops produced in most agrarian Indian states.

Rajinder Singh Deep Singh Wala

The SKM is rallying around these two demands, recommended by the government-appointed commission. Rajinder Singh Deep Singh Wala, an SKM leader says, “According to a recent study by National Sample Survey Office (NSSO), nearly 70% of the Indian farmers do not even know what MSP is, which makes it more important to raise the issue of MSP”. Definitely, the SKM has an uphill task to popularize this critical demand among farmers across the country as it has the potential to bring farmers together nationally as well as address the agrarian crisis in a very fundamental manner. The government constituted a committee to address the issue of MSP. But the members of the committee evoked great apprehension rather than trust among the farmers as it was unrepresentative. Thus, the SKM asked for the constitution of a fresh committee on MSP with due representation of the farmers. In the memorandum submitted by SKM to the government, other demands included are the withdrawal of the Electricity Amendment Bill, 2022, reduction of input prices including fertilisers, fixed pension for all the farmers above the age of 60, crop insurance to provide a safety net to the farmers in the time of climate change and compensation for nearly 750 farmers who martyred during the yearlong protest, mentioning a few.

The gap between these two major farmers’ protest gatherings in Delhi should not be read as a time of complete silence. Farmer organisations were mobilising localised state-wide protests on different issues. Farmers in Punjab protested to save water. In Karnataka, farmers protested against the refusal of private insurance companies to settle crop damage claims by farmers. In parts of Punjab, Haryana and Maharashtra farmers protested demanding fair compensation for rain-caused damage to crops during the recent untimely heavy rain. In Maharashtra, under the leadership of All India Kisan Sabha and other left farmer organisation, hundreds of tribal farmers marched more than 50 km to protest against the non-implementation of the Forest Rights Act (FRA) 2006. The act recognizes the rights of forest-dwelling tribal communities and other traditional forest dwellers over forest resources. Other demands include crop loan waiver and compensation for crop loss due to changing climatic conditions. These are only a few examples of localised yet foundational protests which often lay grounds for historical movements.

Recent times witnessed an upsurge of the farmers’ protests not only in India but globally. The movement started by Dutch farmers protesting over emission cuts spread across Europe including countries like Germany, France, Spain, and Belgium. European farmers argued that the government’s proposed plan would force farmers to reduce their livestock or stop work altogether. They believed it was an attempt to target farmers in the name of environmental concerns, instead of holding accountable the actual culprits, the big-corporates-led industrial sector. Farmers in many countries spread across continents, protested over increased input costs in agriculture, for example, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Peru, Ecuador and Poland.

The SKM leadership is also looking at the global protests in continuity with the Indian farmer protests. As Singh says, “There is a rule of the capitalist structure. Either get big or get out.” He believes what is happening in Europe is an attempt to push the agrarian sector towards monopolisation. A similar attempt, made by the Indian government to monopolise agriculture in India by bringing the three farm laws, was challenged by the Indian farmers’ movement in 2020-21. He also thinks that people who advocate the policies of the green revolution are looking at Sri Lanka’s agrarian crisis as an opportunity to prove their point which in reality is a failed model. But, we need a more sustainable agrarian model like post-USSR Cuba which became the first country to establish an urban agriculture department. Dr. Darshan Pal, another SKM leader, says, “We are already at the doorstep of an unprecedented economic recession. So, what has happened in Sri Lanka or Pakistan is likely to happen in other countries as well. We have to be prepared.” The post-covid era with a decreasing number of jobs and drop in real wages in the non-agriculture sector has unfortunately strained the already fraught agriculture sector. A recent case is a farmer in Mansa, Punjab throwing his capsicum produce on the road as they were fetching them $1 for 80kg.

Dr. Darshan Pal says that the Indian farmers’ movement has a long history and the 2020-21 protests acted as a catalyst giving the movement a new momentum. As the SKM has announced the next phase of protest this month, they aim to make the farmers’ agenda a wider social-political agenda. In the coming months, their decentralized campaign will popularize the farmers’ demands in the areas beyond their current reach and aim to make it to the manifesto of all political parties. As Dr. Darshan Pal says “In today’s political scenario, farmers are the most apt group to do the same, as they have a very crystallized identity across the country.”

*By Navkiran Natt, a film/media researcher and activist based out of Delhi and Panjab, India.

Opinion

Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

Avatar photo

Published

on

The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

Continue Reading

Opinion

What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

Avatar photo

Published

on

By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

Continue Reading

Opinion

The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

Avatar photo

Published

on

In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

Continue Reading

MOST READ

Turkey