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The Ceasefire Between Palestine and Israel: A Victory Without Any Winner

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On January 17, Hamas and Israel formally signed a ceasefire agreement reached two days earlier, which took effect on January 19. This marks the closest attempt to a successful ceasefire in the Middle East since Hamas launched the “Al-Aqsa Flood” operation, which triggered Israel’s intense retaliation and ignited the “Sixth Middle East War” over 460 days ago.

The international community widely welcomes the ceasefire between Palestine and Israel, and Yemen’s Houthi attacks on Israel are also expected to cease, the “Sixth Middle East War” may finally come to an end. However, the ceasefire remains a fragile prelude to peace. Without addressing the historical disputes between the two sides and implementing the “two-state solution,” every ceasefire is merely an interval before the next conflict or war.

According to reports, through multiple rounds of mediation by the United States, Qatar, and Egypt, Hamas and Israel reached a three-phase ceasefire agreement. The first phase, which started on January 19, will last 42 days and includes a complete and total ceasefire by both parties, the withdrawal of Israeli troops from densely populated areas in the Gaza Strip, the release of 33 detainees by Hamas in exchange for the release of hundreds of Palestinians detained by Israel, and the allowance of large-scale humanitarian aid into Gaza.

The details of the second and third phases of the agreement are to be disclosed after the implementation of the first phase. These include permanent ceasefire negotiations, the return of detained personnel’s remains by Hamas, and the initiation of large-scale reconstruction in the Gaza Strip.

Despite the United States, Qatar, and Egypt guaranteeing and overseeing the ceasefire agreement, the implementation of the second and third phases depends on the execution of the first phase. Israel has requested the right to veto the list of Palestinian detainees to be released, and Israel’s security cabinet has delayed approving the first-phase agreement. Additionally, Israel’s far-right security minister has threatened to resign. These developments underscore a severe lack of mutual trust between the two sides, internal divisions within Israel, and the constant risk of the ceasefire agreement being torn apart or disrupted.

Hamas claims the ceasefire agreement is a “great victory for the heroic resistance of the Palestinian people and their indomitable spirit over more than 15 months in Gaza.” Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard also called it “a great victory for Palestine.” Analysts believe such statements are intended to lie to others and also themselves. Compared to previous Middle East wars, this “Sixth Middle East War,” which lasted 15 months and involved more than a dozen regional and external countries and actors, left no true winners. It resulted in a multi-party loss, with only degrees of defeat differing among parties.

Was Hamas or Palestine the victor?

The facts suggest otherwise. The Palestinian people, particularly those in Gaza, suffered immensely under Israel’s over-a-year-long military siege and economic blockade. Nearly 50,000 people died—most of them women and children—over 100,000 were injured or disabled, critical infrastructure was destroyed, and the ecological consequences are far-reaching. Survivors teeter on the edge of life and death. In short, during the war, Gaza became a living hell for civilians, who endured unimaginable suffering. This marks the third catastrophic disaster since 1948 for Palestinians, with unprecedented losses in life and material. Even low-level economic reconstruction and societal recovery will require decades.

Hamas’s strategy of provoking Israel with militant attacks drew disproportionate retaliation, bringing the Palestinian cause into the global spotlight and isolating Israel as never before. Yet, this was achieved at the cost of enormous sacrifices and disasters for Palestinians. It has further entrenched both sides in a vicious cycle of hatred, violence, and bloodshed.

Is Israel the winner of this war?

The facts suggest otherwise. As the strongest military power in the Middle East, Israel appeared to excel in its “seven-front combat,” fighting with overwhelming odds and inflicting fatal blows on Hamas and Hezbollah in Lebanon, shattering the “Resistance Axis.” However, most of these adversaries are non-state actors whose manpower, equipment, and foreign support cannot compare to Israel, which benefits from long-standing U.S. aid and military readiness. Despite this, Israel failed to eliminate Hamas’ remnants, had to resort to high rewards to secure the return of its detained personnel, and ultimately accepted prisoner exchanges and a ceasefire to resolve the crisis. This war has been a political and economic failure for Israel, costing many lives, destabilizing the nation, damaging its international image, and losing it the support of global public opinion. It even led to its Prime Minister and former Defense Minister being labeled “war criminals” by the International Criminal Court.

If neither Israel nor Palestine emerged as winners, did any other parties involved in the war benefit and become winners? In my view, there were no winners at all. Even for those perceived as winners, a dialectical and long-term perspective is needed.

The United States is undoubtedly a major loser

For the first time in the Middle East conflict, the superpower lost the initiative, playing a marginal role, neither decisive in war nor peace. The U.S. not only lost its decision-making and leadership authority in Middle Eastern affairs but also became a “hostage state” to Israel. It was passive throughout the year-long conflict, offering rhetorical support and military aid but unable to influence the war’s course. In previous Middle Eastern wars, the U.S. had been the dominant power:

– In the 1948 First Arab-Israeli War, the U.S. orchestrated two ceasefires, helping Israel defeat five Arab nations.

– In the 1956 Suez Crisis, the U.S. forced Britain, France, and Israel to withdraw, solidifying its foothold in the Middle East.

– During the 1967 Six-Day War, the U.S. fully armed Israel, enabling its victory over the Soviet-backed Arab bloc.

– In the 1973 Yom Kippur War, the U.S. provided emergency military aid to Israel, turned the tide, and initiated “shuttle diplomacy” to secure a ceasefire and disengagement.

– In the 1982 Lebanon War, the U.S. ensured Israel’s military success before again leveraging diplomacy to save the PLO leadership while removing them from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict frontlines.

Iran is also a major loser

As the dual engine of the “Resistance Axis” and the “Shiite Crescent,” Iran was neither willing nor able to protect Hamas and Hezbollah from devastating military strikes. It also failed to shield Yemen’s Houthi rebels from airstrikes by the U.S., U.K., and Israel and eventually abandoned Syria’s regime. These failures have significantly weakened the “Resistance Axis” and the “Shiite Crescent,” with Iran’s influence historically contracting to the Persian Gulf and Mesopotamia. On two occasions when Iran directly confronted Israel militarily, it preemptively notified Israel to minimize losses, wary of provoking uncontrollable escalation or bringing disaster upon itself.

The “Sixth Middle East War” exposed Iran’s hesitancy and weakness in critical moments. It revealed a self-serving pragmatism prioritizing national and ethnic interests, underscoring that Iran lacks both the moral authority and the capability to fulfill its ambitions as a regional power. This misalignment between its aspirations and actual strength suggests Iran is not ready for the “crown” it seeks to wear. The war also nullified half a century of Iran’s investments and efforts in revolutionary Islamic diplomacy. Iran now faces potential domestic scrutiny over its foreign policy, strategic effectiveness, and even the legitimacy of its regime, which could impact its political stability.

Russia is certainly another big loser

Russia also abandoned the Bashar regime during a critical period, easily relinquishing its last Middle Eastern strategic asset, giving up what it had preserved with significant military and diplomatic resources a decade ago. The Bashar regime was easily and unexpectedly toppled during the Palestine-Israel conflict, showing that as Damascus’ foremost ally, Russia has completely lost its standing as a first-class geopolitical and military power. Its weakness in strategic intelligence, judgment, intervention, and coordination capabilities is strikingly evident. Losing Syria signifies that Russia no longer has the capability to handle two regional wars simultaneously, nor the ability to act as a world-class power exerting influence in the Middle East.

The United Nations: Another major loser

The United Nations also proved powerless in the face of the “Sixth Middle East War,” becoming severely marginalized and even humiliated and provoked by Israel multiple times. Draft resolutions from the Security Council urging a ceasefire between Palestine and Israel were repeatedly vetoed by the United States. Even when reluctantly passed, neither side implemented them. Israel frequently questioned the legitimacy of the United Nations, repeatedly urged the Secretary-General to resign, discredited UN missions, and openly insulted UN peacekeeping forces. Historically, the UN General Assembly passed Resolution 181 in 1947, granting Israel its “birth certificate” and sowing the seeds of the Palestinian problem. Between 1948 and 1982, despite being manipulated by major powers and caught in opposition and division, the UN was still able to broker ceasefires among warring parties and pass famous Security Council resolutions, such as Resolution 338 in 1967 and Resolution 242 in 1973, forming the legal foundation of the “land for peace” framework in the Middle East peace process.

Turkey’s role: A winner?

Some may argue that Turkey emerged as the biggest winner from this war. This is incorrect. Superficially or in the short term, Turkey indeed supported the rebel forces in toppling Bashar and seemed to gain a larger voice in the reconstruction of the new Syrian power structure, as well as suppressing and encircling the Kurds. However, as a regional power, Turkey’s deep involvement in Syrian affairs has plunged it further into the Middle Eastern quagmire, inevitably intensifying its rivalries and frictions with Israel, Saudi Arabia, other Arab countries, Russia, Iran, and even the United States. This situation risks reviving the “multi-problem” nightmare Turkey experienced after the “Arab Spring,” leading it to once again face the consequences of being stonewalled on multiple fronts.

The broader implications

On October 7, 2023, when “The Al-Aqsa Flood” launched a successful textbook-style attack on half of Israel via air, land, and sea, no one expected it to evolve into a large-scale, prolonged, multi-party, and devastating “Sixth Middle East War.” No one foresaw that Israeli leaders would be globally wanted by the International Criminal Court for war crimes. Nor did anyone anticipate that the Syrian government, which had survived a 13-year war to retain power, would collapse so quickly, becoming the most unexpected loser.

From the perspective of global and historical development, the biggest loser of the Palestine-Israel conflict is the peace, development, prosperity, and progress of the entire region. This large-scale multi-party loss is not about the gains or losses of one nation or territory but represents the collective success or failure of dozens of countries and hundreds of millions of people. Across the continents, there is no other region as “cursed” or “toxic” as the Middle East, which has been mired in friction, conflict, and chaos for so long. Likewise, no other people on Earth have had to witness, day after day, year after year, and generation after generation, bloodshed, killing, death, and destruction as their daily reality and even their life’s fate, relying on violent exchanges to sustain national and economic development.

Although the ceasefire after the twists and turns of the conflict deserves celebration, as it embodies rationality and humanity far more than continued slaughter, providing all sides with a chance to breathe and hope for survival, if the parties involved do not fundamentally heal their deeply entrenched zero-sum mindset, violent philosophies, and jungle rules, peace in the Middle East will remain out of reach. This cradle of human civilization is destined to become one of history’s greatest failures.

Prof. Ma is the Dean of the Institute of Mediterranean Studies (ISMR) at Zhejiang International Studies University in Hangzhou. He specializes in international politics, particularly Islam and Middle Eastern affairs. He previously worked as a senior Xinhua correspondent in Kuwait, Palestine, and Iraq.

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Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

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The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

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What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

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By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

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The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

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In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

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