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US deploys medium-range missile system in Indo-Pacific for first time, China reacts

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The US military has deployed its new Typhon medium-range surface-to-surface missile launcher to the Indo-Pacific region for the first time for joint military exercises in the northern Philippines, in a move likely to unsettle China.

The US military announced on Monday that it sent the launcher, capable of firing Tomahawk cruise missiles and SM-6 missiles, to the Northern Luzon region of the Philippines for the Salaknib 2024 joint military exercise.

“In a historic first, the 1st Multi-Domain Task Force successfully deployed the Medium Range Capability (MRC) missile system to the Northern Luzon region of the Philippines on 11 April 2024 as part of the Salaknib 24 Exercise,” the statement said. “This important deployment marks an important milestone for the new capability while improving interoperability, readiness and defence capabilities in coordination with the Armed Forces of the Philippines.”

A stone’s throw away from Taiwan

Although the military did not specify the exact location where the launcher was deployed for the exercise, the US military currently has access to five different sites on the island of Luzon, the largest and most populous island in the Philippine archipelago.

The island, the northernmost point of the Philippines, lies about 100 kilometres (62 miles) off Taiwan. Senator Maria Imelda Marcos, formerly chairwoman of the Philippine Senate Foreign Affairs Committee and sister of President Ferdinand Marcos, said in a meeting with defence officials, “Gentlemen, what is our struggle with Taiwan? What is our war with Taiwan? I don’t understand, why are we conducting all military exercises in Luzon… a stone’s throw from Taiwan?”

Given that Tomahawk missiles have a range of more than 1,600 kilometres, any deployment there would not only cover the entire Luzon Strait, but could also target parts of the Chinese coast and various People’s Liberation Army bases in and around the disputed South China Sea.

The commander of the US military in the Pacific, General Charles Flynn, recently reiterated comments he made in December that the US would deploy a medium-range missile launcher in the region.

“I’m not going to discuss which system it is, I’m not going to say where or when, I’m just saying that long-range precision firing capability will come to the region,” Flynn said on 3 April.

China said the official deployment of long-range missiles to the Indo-Pacific region would be a “dangerous trend” and would lead to a strong response from Beijing.

“China is firmly opposed to this and will take decisive countermeasures,” Chinese Defence Ministry spokesman Wu Qian told a news conference on Friday. We urge the United States to truly respect the security concerns of other countries and stop undermining regional peace and stability,” Wu Qian, a spokesman for the Chinese Defence Ministry, told a news conference on Friday.

Japan was also among the possibilities

The US Army announced last year that the system, which has four trailer-based launchers and other supporting equipment, had conducted a series of successful tests with Tomahawk and SM-6 missiles.

Although it has often been suggested that Japan could host the system, this has not been possible due to difficulties in securing public understanding. Deploying the system in the country would make its deployment sites a target for China’s own powerful missile arsenal.

Nevertheless, US officials have hinted that temporary transfers to Japan for training are a possibility.

Permanent but dangerous option Guam

A more permanent deployment of the system in the region could be on the US territory of Guam, home to a large military base. Such a move would be the first since the Cold War and would allow China to increase its stockpile of powerful missiles capable of striking Japan and US military bases in the Pacific.

The Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF), signed in 1987 between the United States and the then Soviet Union, banned all conventional and nuclear land-based missiles capable of travelling between 500 km and 5,500 km (310 miles and 3,400 miles). However, the United States withdrew from the INF in 2019, claiming that the Russians were secretly testing and fielding missiles in violation of the treaty.

Beijing, which is not part of the INF Treaty, is estimated to have 1,850 missiles with a range of 1,000 km to 5,500 km, according to the Pentagon’s latest annual report on the Chinese military.

Defenders of the system have said that a rotational, shorter deployment to Guam, or possibly to or near US Asian allies, could help strengthen deterrence against China.

Critics, however, warned that such a move would force China to further strengthen its already powerful missile and nuclear forces and bring Washington and Beijing closer to a conflict that both say they are trying to avoid.

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Chinese Politburo signals cautious confidence as Beijing pivots toward targeted tech support

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The mid-year meeting of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Politburo has long served as a critical evaluation point for Beijing. The session provides the central government with an opportunity to review developments from the first half of the year and steer the country toward a more realistic economic course in the months ahead.

The latest statement from the top leadership signals cautious confidence. The release indicates that policymakers are favoring a stable, targeted approach over the broad-based stimulus measures that characterized previous years. As China manages its economic transition, the post-Covid era of aggressive spending has clearly drawn to a close. In its place, a strategic and structural approach has taken hold, prioritizing resilience and stability over short-term capital injections.

According to the outcomes of the Politburo meeting, the policy orientation will continue to target specific sectors. Financial support will be directed away from the property market and toward high-tech emerging industries such as artificial intelligence and semiconductors. In the real estate sector, the objective remains stabilizing market confidence and keeping debt risks under control.

Infrastructure investment is likewise being reshaped around the concept of “new infrastructure.” The focus is no longer solely on concrete and physical structures; smart power grids, information technology networks, and data infrastructure have taken precedence.

This approach signifies an investment in future competitiveness rather than simply pumping capital into the economy’s more stagnant sectors. Serving as a new driver of growth, digital infrastructure fulfills a dual purpose: supporting domestic demand in the short term while safeguarding technological competitiveness over the long term.

Finally, Beijing is signaling a more conciliatory posture in international trade. The Chinese leadership aims to establish a more balanced trade framework to mitigate concerns voiced by trade partners such as the European Union over what has been termed “China Shock 2.0.”

As the administration prepares for critical leadership changes next year, its primary focus will remain on stability across both economic and social spheres.

China continues to strike a balance between realistic growth targets and systemic restructuring, maintaining policy leeway to absorb potential external shocks. Beijing’s economic strategy reflects a pragmatic assessment of both domestic and international challenges.

Struggling with weak demand, the domestic economy is not yet in a position to anchor national growth independently. Expansion continues to rely heavily on a record trade surplus alongside the impressive export performance of high-tech and clean energy sectors. However, this reliance has drawn pushback from several trading partners.

To stimulate domestic economic activity and ease trade tensions, Beijing unveiled its first standalone five-year plan focused on consumption. Released in July by the National Development and Reform Commission and the Ministry of Commerce, the plan targets an increase in retail sales to 60 trillion yuan (approximately $8.9 trillion) by 2030. This represents an increase of roughly 20% compared to 2025 levels.

To improve profit margins for small businesses, regulatory authorities are tackling the issue of “involution”—described as excessive internal competition—by curbing platform monopolies and preventing destructive price wars. While these structural adjustments may take longer to yield results, they are viewed as a more sustainable and effective alternative to direct cash handouts.

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Chinese chipmaker profits surge 2,500% on explosive AI computing demand

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Major Chinese microchip manufacturers saw their profits surge by 2,579.5% in the first half of 2026, driven by unprecedented demand for artificial intelligence and computing capacity.

Data from China’s National Bureau of Statistics, cited by the South China Morning Post (SCMP), underscored the industry’s sharp upward trajectory.

Yu Weining, senior statistician at China’s National Bureau of Statistics, explained that this surge is directly connected to the accelerating integration of artificial intelligence across various sectors.

Yu noted that this process has increased the need for computing capacity. The demand for computational processes also lifted profits across the entire electronics industry by 97% year-on-year.

Profits of major Chinese industrial enterprises with an annual revenue exceeding 20 million yuan ($2.9 million) rose 18.7% in the first six months of the year, reaching 4 trillion yuan.

In the first half of 2025, before the global data center construction process had begun, industrial profits had dropped by 1.8% to 3.4 trillion yuan, while profit growth in the electronics sector remained at 3.5%.

The SCMP reported that the global AI boom has generated explosive demand for high-performance computing systems and memory chips, causing a structural pivot in China’s industrial landscape.

Data showed that integrated circuit production in the first half of the year grew by 23% year-on-year to reach approximately 280 billion units.

This figure means that the country produced an average of more than 1.5 billion chips per day.

The profit growth is also corroborated by forecasts from China’s leading chipmakers. Shenzhen Longsys Electronics, one of the largest memory module manufacturers, expects its profits to increase by more than 600-fold in the first half of the year.

Flash memory maker GigaDevice projects that its net profit will surge by approximately 1,099% year-on-year due to supply shortages and rising product prices.

Chinese companies in the AI chip segment are also demonstrating strong profit growth, albeit at a more moderate pace compared to the memory market.

Hygon Information Technology, which develops central processing units and computing units for artificial intelligence, projects that its profits will rise by up to 52.3%.

CXMT hits record high on Shanghai Stock Exchange

Shares of Chinese chipmaker CXMT gained more than 500% on their first day of trading on the Shanghai Stock Exchange on July 27, jumping from 8.66 yuan to 55 yuan.

As a result of this sharp surge in its shares, CXMT’s market valuation reached 3.65 trillion yuan ($539 billion), making the company China’s most valuable publicly traded firm.

At the peak of the rally—even though quoted prices underwent a slight correction toward the close of the trading day—CXMT surpassed Tencent, which was trading on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange with a market capitalization of $514 billion.

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Massive student movement over exam leaks forces resignation of India’s education minister

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Indian public examination reform proposals follow education minister’s resignation after nationwide youth protests

India’s federal government introduced legislation in parliament on Monday to amend the law governing public examinations, days after the “Cockroach” movement forced the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan following nationwide youth protests.

The bill incorporates enhanced sanctions, including longer prison sentences and higher fines for those found responsible for exam leaks and irregularities.

The demonstrations are widely viewed as the most significant youth-led challenge faced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi since he took office in 2014.

What triggered the protests?

Nearly 2 million students took the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test (NEET), an undergraduate medical entrance examination, in May. The federal National Testing Agency cancelled the exam on May 12 following allegations that question papers had been leaked. The examination was re-administered on June 21.

Young people took to the streets to protest against examination fraud, youth unemployment, and a perceived lack of future prospects.

According to a BBC report, the unemployment rate among university and college graduates aged 15 to 25 in the country stands at a critically high level of 40%. The addition of corruption in public examinations to existing economic strain broke the patience of the youth.

Abhijeet Dipke, founder of the Cockroach Public Party (CJP) movement, led the protests.

The movement derived its name from remarks made in May by Supreme Court Judge Surya Kant, who used the terms “cockroach” and “parasite” in a derogatory reference to unemployed youth and protesters. Young demonstrators adopted the insult as a symbol and named their movement after it.

How the movement unfolded

Young protesters organized street demonstrations demanding the resignation of Education Minister Pradhan. Dipke, who initiated the movement in New Delhi, subsequently organized protests in other parts of the country.

Sonam Wangchuk, one of the protesters, began a hunger strike at the demonstration site in support of the movement. As his physical condition deteriorated, authorities forcibly transferred him to a hospital.

The reaction to Wangchuk’s forcible removal from the protest site caused crowds at the venue to expand rapidly.

Tens of thousands of protesters faced tear gas and baton charges by police while attempting to march on parliament. Some demonstrators engaged in clashes with law enforcement officers.

CJP leaders held talks with ministers from the Modi government, who requested time to evaluate the protesters’ demands internally.

Modi called for unity among lawmakers in the ruling coalition to implement strict measures against exam paper leaks, punish those responsible, and establish a secure, leak-proof system.

Opposition representatives led by Rahul Gandhi staged a sit-in at the entrance of Modi’s official residence demanding Pradhan’s resignation. They were briefly detained by police before being released.

Opposition lawmakers supporting the student protesters disrupted proceedings in parliament. Demonstrations expanded to other regions of the country, including the financial hub of Mumbai.

In his first direct statement regarding the protests, published in a post on X, Modi announced that special courts would be established to prosecute individuals involved in exam paper leaks. Protesters rejected the proposal.

Movement leaders held a second round of talks with the government after Wangchuk ended his 26-day hunger strike.

Following those discussions, the government requested time until the afternoon of the following day to respond to the demand for Pradhan’s resignation.

Education Minister Pradhan subsequently announced his resignation, stating that he was stepping down in light of the situation at the protest site and across the country, as well as to prevent “external forces” from exploiting the environment.

On July 26, Modi announced the creation of a task force headed by technology entrepreneur Nandan Nilekani to overhaul the country’s examination system.

On Monday, July 27, the government presented a bill to parliament proposing amendments to the law governing public examinations. The legislation introduces stiffer penalties for offenders, including extended prison terms and increased monetary fines.

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