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Telegram founder Durov: From saviour to demon in the West

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Telegram founder Pavel Durov, once lauded by Western media and politicians for his stance against censorship and his refusal to cooperate with intelligence agencies, has been arrested in France for actions that previously earned him praise.

This dramatic shift in Western attitudes towards Telegram and Durov is worth a closer look.

‘The good old days’: Maidan protests in Ukraine

Telegram was launched in 2013, and it did not take long for the app to come under scrutiny. Russia’s Federal Security Service (FSB) soon demanded information on the organisers of the Maidan protests in Ukraine, which were coordinated via Telegram.

Durov refused to comply and left Russia six months later, citing the impossibility of running an independent internet business in the country. In an interview with TechCrunch, “Unfortunately, you can’t run an internet business in this country. I’m afraid there’s no going back for me, especially after I publicly refused to cooperate with the authorities,” Durov lamented in an interview with TechCrunch.

After leaving Russia, Durov became a well-known figure in the West. He was praised for standing up to the ‘evil Russian regime’, protecting user data and opposing censorship.

Telegram became a popular tool among Western politicians and media, especially during the 2020 protests in Belarus, which were largely coordinated through the app.

Covid-19 pandemic: Telegram’s image in the West

But this positive attitude towards Telegram lasted until the Covid-19 pandemic, when Western platforms such as YouTube, Facebook and WhatsApp began implementing strict censorship measures to ‘fight disinformation’.

Telegram, which allowed dissenting voices to be heard, was suddenly labelled a ‘dangerous platform’ by the same Western media that had once praised it.

The Western establishment, which had praised Telegram for protecting the right to protest in Russia and Belarus, now saw it as a threat to public order within its own borders.

Strict censorship policies in the West are also worth mentioning. In the European Union (EU), a law was passed forcing internet platforms to actively monitor content, essentially censoring anything that contradicts the dominant transatlantic narratives.

Moreover, it is no secret that Western internet platforms share user data with government authorities. Ironically, what the Russian state demanded of Durov years ago, the West is now demanding of tech companies.

But the situation in the West is even worse. Neither Durov nor his associates, some of whom still live in Russia, have been detained or arrested in Russia. Moscow has only asked for targeted access to specific information under certain conditions, as opposed to the general surveillance now common in the West.

From the West’s dear friend to the devil

Pavel Durov, who once attracted enough Western attention to be included in the World Economic Forum’s (WEF) Young Global Leaders programme, now faces a prison sentence.

Russian authorities and prominent figures have long advised Durov to return to Russia for his own safety, but he has ignored these warnings. Now, as his arrest in France hits the headlines, the reactions of Russian officials and public opinion paint a picture of irony and vindication.

How did Moscow react?

In a statement on Durov’s arrest, Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova highlighted the hypocrisy of the West’s position:

“The Russian Embassy in Paris immediately began its work, as it does when it is informed of the detention of Russian citizens by local authorities. There is no need to remind our diplomats of their duties. But I recall that in 2018 a group of 26 NGOs, including Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, Freedom House and others, condemned the decision of the Russian judiciary to block Telegram. They called on the UN, EU and other governments to stand up to Russia’s actions and defend the fundamental rights to freedom of expression and privacy.”

Zakharova asked whether the same organisations would appeal to Paris for Durov’s release, or whether this time they would remain silent.

The deputy chairman of the Security Council, Dmitry Medvedev, also referred to Durov’s case, pointing out the risks of trying to take a principled stand without cooperating with law enforcement:

“Some time ago, I asked Durov why he refused to cooperate with law enforcement when it came to serious crimes. That is my principled position,’ he replied. I told him: ‘Then there are serious problems in every country. He felt that he had the most serious problems in Russia and left the country, taking up citizenship or residence elsewhere. He wanted to be a brilliant ‘citizen of the world’. He miscalculated. To all our common enemies he is just another Russian and therefore unpredictable and dangerous.”

RUSSIA

What does Russia’s update of its nuclear doctrine mean?

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Russia has updated its nuclear deterrence policy, defining threats to the security of Belarus as a potential justification for the use of nuclear weapons. While experts argue that these changes are largely declaratory, they also suggest that the timing of this update may be linked to U.S. missile support for Ukraine.

Russian President Vladimir Putin approved the amendments to the doctrinal document entitled Fundamentals of the State Policy of the Russian Federation in the Field of Nuclear Deterrence. The announcement was made during a meeting on 25 September 2024, where Putin revealed the changes to Russia’s nuclear doctrine.

In June 2024, Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov hinted at the need for an update, citing lessons learned from military operations. The new text, in line with Putin’s directives, introduces significant changes to the conditions under which nuclear weapons can be used:

Nuclear retaliation is now justified in cases where critical threats arise to the security of not only Russia but also Belarus.

The updated doctrine expands the scope of threats to include cruise missiles, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), hypersonic weapons, and other aerospace attack systems. Previously, the scope was limited to ballistic missile attacks.

The doctrine highlights the importance of continuous updates to adapt to evolving security conditions.

When asked whether the publication of this doctrine was connected to the U.S. decision to send ATACMS missiles to Ukraine, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov dismissed the idea of coincidence, stating that the document was published “on time.”

Peskov emphasized a critical new provision: If a non-nuclear state attacks Russia with the backing of a nuclear-armed state, it will be treated as a joint nuclear attack. This underscores Russia’s heightened sensitivity to Western support for Ukraine, especially in light of escalating tensions with NATO.

Several experts have weighed in on the implications of the updated nuclear doctrine:

Alexander Yermakov, a specialist at the Russian International Affairs Council (RIAC), noted that the changes largely clarify existing provisions. For instance, the scope of retaliation has expanded to include drones and cruise missiles, whereas previous documents only referred to ballistic missile attacks.

According to Yermakov, the timing of the doctrine could be a strategic response to recent U.S. military aid to Ukraine: “These changes were announced earlier. However, in light of recent developments, they were published to remind of the risks of possible escalation.”

Dmitry Stefanovic, an expert from the Centre for International Security at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations, highlighted that the new doctrine reflects global nuclear trends.

Stefanovic noted that some countries have increased their arsenals, new nuclear-weapon states have emerged, and the importance of the nuclear factor has increased in recent years.

The expert added that the doctrine contains elements that strengthen nuclear cooperation with Belarus.

“The updated document further clarifies the issue of the ‘nuclear threshold’ – the necessary conditions for the use of nuclear weapons. This is no cause for relief, either for Russia or its rivals. If the risk of direct confrontation with the US and NATO remains, a scenario of rapid nuclear escalation is always possible,” Stefanovic said.

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U.S. rehearses nuclear strike on Russian border

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NATO’s Joint Air Forces Command has announced that the United States’ B-52H Stratofortress strategic bombers recently conducted a training bombing mission at the Cudgel range near Kaliningrad Oblast.

The exercise was coordinated with Italian and German fighter jets, demonstrating NATO’s operational cooperation. It involved dropping laser-guided bombs from an altitude of six kilometers as part of the Vanguard Merlin exercise, a tactical program organized by U.S. rotational units in Europe.

The deployment of B-52 bombers to Europe is described by NATO as a routine measure aimed at “protecting allies and deterring potential threats.”

In early November, the U.S. Air Force stationed four B-52 aircraft at Mildenhall Air Base in the UK. Since their arrival, the bombers have flown over Finland, Sweden, the North Sea, and Lithuania, expanding NATO’s aerial presence in the region.

On 15 November, The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) reported, citing sources within President Joe Biden’s administration, that the United States plans to increase its deployed nuclear warheads in response to growing threats from Russia, China, and North Korea.

The report revealed that the White House had previously drafted a classified directive to prepare for potential simultaneous conflicts with Moscow, Beijing, and Pyongyang. While the strategy emphasizes the development of non-nuclear deterrence, it also considers enhancing nuclear capabilities.

These proposals are currently under evaluation by the Pentagon, with final decisions expected from the incoming administration of President-elect Donald Trump.

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Russia will not give Israel guarantees on Hezbollah

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In an interview with RIA Novosti, Alexander Lavrentiev, the Russian President’s special envoy to Syria, stated that Moscow could not provide Israel with guarantees to prevent “arms smuggling” from Syria to Lebanon.

Earlier reports from the Israeli press indicated that Israel would like to see Russia as a mediator in the Middle East peace settlement. Lavrentiev confirmed that Israel had requested guarantees from Russia to prevent Shiite groups from moving military equipment through Syria to Lebanon. However, he clarified that this demand could not be met.

“This would require the establishment of new checkpoints along the border, a task that does not fall within the competence of the Russian military in Syria,” Lavrentiev explained.

When asked about Israel’s expectation of a security guarantee, Lavrentiev responded, “First of all, we cannot give such a guarantee.”

Reports have previously indicated that Israel has been in contact with Moscow regarding the regional settlement process. It was even suggested that Strategic Planning Minister Ron Dermer, one of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s closest advisors, was planning a confidential visit to Moscow.

Meanwhile, Itamar Eichner, a columnist for Yedioth Ahronoth, noted in his column yesterday that Israel understands Russia’s influence over Hezbollah, Syria, and Iran. “This is why Tel Aviv seeks guarantees from Moscow to prevent arms smuggling and to stop the Lebanese terrorist organization from recovering from the war,” Eichner wrote.

Commenting on Israel’s desire to secure the Syrian-Lebanese border, Lavrentiev highlighted a recent attack near Khmeimim Air Base in Syria. Although this incident took place about a month ago and did not directly impact Russian troops, Lavrentiev felt compelled to address it.

“Israel carried out an airstrike near Khmeimim. They did not target the air base directly, as they know this would have serious consequences for Israel. Reports suggest that the strike targeted warehouses and buildings in the vicinity,” Lavrentiev stated.

He also mentioned that the Russian Defense Ministry had “sent a representative to Israel” for further discussions.

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