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Alaska Summit will not reverse Ukraine’s great defeat

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At midnight on August 15 local time, the much-anticipated U.S.-Russia summit concluded at the Joint Military Base Elmendorf-Richardson in Alaska, with both sides reaching no written agreement and agreeing to continue talks later. Although U.S. President Trump had predicted that the “probability of failure” was only 25%, the summit, despite seemingly yielding limited results, itself became a milestone in easing U.S.-Russia relations, especially as a consensus on follow-up negotiations was reached. Therefore, it is expected to lay the foundation for a ceasefire in the Russia-Ukraine conflict through territorial exchange. Naturally, it cannot reverse the great defeat of Ukraine and even Europe.

It is reported that the U.S.-Russia summit adopted a “3+3” dialogue model led separately by Trump and Russian President Putin, lasting nearly three hours. After the talks, Trump and Putin held a joint press conference as scheduled and gave high evaluations of the summit in a relatively friendly atmosphere.

Putin emphasized that the talks were “productive, the atmosphere was positive, and the content was very profound and clear.” He described the U.S. and Russia as “close neighbors separated by the ocean” with a “shared historical heritage (referring to Alaska),” who had also fought common enemies. However, he noted that in the four years since the last summit, bilateral relations had “fallen to the lowest point since the Cold War,” which was not in the interests of either country or the world. Both sides needed to shift from confrontation to dialogue.

When talking about the Russia-Ukraine war, Putin praised Trump’s efforts to promote peace, stating that the “Ukraine incident” posed a fundamental threat to Russia, and he looked forward to “ensuring the solution for Ukraine is stable and long-term, eliminating all the original crises, and ensuring that all laws regarding the establishment of a fair and balanced Europe are taken into account.” Putin pledged that “Ukraine’s security must also be guaranteed” and that he would work with the U.S. side to achieve the goal of “paving the way for peace in Ukraine,” hoping Ukraine and European countries would “accept all this constructively, set up no obstacles, and not attempt to undermine the process through provocations and behind-the-scenes plots.”

Trump declared that he had a “productive meeting with Putin. We agreed on many points; I would say most (key points) are agreed upon, with a few big issues not yet fully resolved… so before we reach an agreement, nothing counts yet.”

Trump said he would later brief Ukrainian President Zelensky as well as NATO and European leaders on the content and progress of the summit by phone and emphasized that whether an agreement would be reached ultimately depended on their attitude. Trump also optimistically stated that the points of disagreement still had a “good chance of being achieved.”

At the press conference, Putin suggested holding the next U.S.-Russia summit in Moscow. Trump neither confirmed nor denied, casually saying it was “rather troublesome” for the U.S. side. However, Trump thanked Putin for visiting, gave the negotiation results a “10 out of 10,” and withdrew his previous warning that Russia would face “serious consequences.”

The U.S.-Russia Alaska Summit attracted global attention, not primarily because it could necessarily bring peace to both Russia and Ukraine, but because it broke Western political taboos by initiating the first U.S.-Russia presidential meeting since the outbreak of the war three years ago. Putin, who had been collectively boycotted by most Western countries, expelled from the G7 club, and wanted by the International Criminal Court in Rome due to the Russia-Ukraine war, had now become a guest of honor for the Western leader, the United States. He even received Trump’s extraordinary courtesy of being greeted personally at the plane’s stairway and escorted to the meeting site in the same car. This undoubtedly humiliated America’s European and NATO partners and proved that Trump was indeed a transactional leader who disregarded values, morality, and integrity.

From this perspective, the Alaska summit also created history, as it was not only the first time a Russian leader had visited this territory once sold to the United States but also the first time in ten years that the U.S. had welcomed a Russian president again. Moreover, the Alaska summit was not only the first Trump-Putin meeting since 2019 but also the first U.S.-Russia summit since the Biden-Putin talks in Geneva in May 2021. From the perspective of bilateral relations, the Alaska summit witnessed and promoted further repair and warming of U.S.-Russia relations, as well as consolidated the stability and sustainability of the personal relationship between Trump and Putin.

However, Alaska did not bring a substantive breakthrough in resolving the Russia-Ukraine crisis. Even at the final critical moment, both sides greatly lowered expectations for the summit’s outcome, including not signing any agreement. The reasons are simple: first, the summit was prepared in great haste; second, it concerned Ukraine’s territory and sovereignty. Before the summit, both teams had limited time for full consultations and groundwork, so it was clearly too late to reach a written agreement or inappropriate to form a written document. Therefore, the Alaska summit became a journey of restoring U.S.-Russia bilateral relations and an exploration of peace in Russia and Ukraine.

Before embarking on the Alaska journey, Trump had already clarified the interim task of the summit, promising not to finalize any agreement with Putin but to leave agreements for subsequent U.S.-Russia-Ukraine trilateral talks. He told the media, “If this is a good meeting, we will achieve peace in the near future.” “The second (trilateral) meeting will be very, very important because it will be the meeting where they reach an agreement.”

Trump also bluntly said, “I don’t want to use the word ‘partition,’ but in some sense, it’s not a bad word.” Clearly, Trump acknowledged the reality of Ukrainian land being taken by Russia and had continuously, overtly or covertly, been selling this plan to Ukraine and other Western partners. Trump’s active planning and promotion of the Alaska summit was very likely aimed at demanding Russia agree to a ceasefire, thereby creating conditions for subsequent “land for peace” or “land for security.” In other words, as long as Russia agreed to a full or even partial ceasefire — for example, no longer launching ground offensives to seize more Ukrainian land, or halting large-scale airstrikes against Ukraine’s deep targets — Trump would have the grounds and confidence to persuade or force Ukraine and its European war-hawk partners to accept reality.

The fundamental reason the Alaska summit did not achieve full consensus may also lie in the fact that Russia has not yet achieved its intended land-control goals, such as complete control of the Donbas region. It could also be that Russia still hoped the U.S. and NATO would provide more reliable guarantees for its current territorial claims and long-term security demands, especially ensuring Ukraine would not join NATO.

Although the Alaska summit did not sign any written agreement, it still left Ukraine and most of its European partners unhappy, uneasy, and pessimistic. Because the final outcome of sacrificing Ukraine and Europe’s security interests has already become apparent, signing an agreement is merely a matter of sooner or later, not a question of whether such a compromise will be made.

Before attending the meeting at Trump’s invitation, Russia’s bottom line had already been laid on the table and known to the world. Its core terms were that Ukraine must cede part of its territory and abandon joining NATO. The Trump administration’s demands were also open and transparent: requiring Russia to quickly agree to a ceasefire in exchange for the lifting of Western sanctions, but not requiring Russia to withdraw from the Ukrainian lands it already occupied. The “partition” prospect Trump mentioned in his warm-up for the Alaska summit was the best policy annotation of this.

The Times of London recently quoted U.S. National Security Council sources as saying that the U.S. and Russia had discussed possible models for Russia’s long-term occupation of Ukrainian territory, one of which was based on Israel’s occupation model of Palestinian land in the West Bank. In such a scenario, Russia would have military and economic control over the occupied Ukrainian territories and establish its own government there. Although the White House denied this report as fake news, it was clearly not groundless and was in fact the very tragic ending of the Russia-Ukraine conflict that the author had predicted years ago: the “Palestinization” of the Ukraine issue.

In the face of the reality that the United States appears to be mediating fairly but is in fact adopting an appeasement policy toward Russia, and that Europe cannot rid itself of its emotional and power dependence on the U.S., Ukraine and its European partners have lost confidence and courage. Although Zelensky emphasized that “Ukrainians will not give their land to the occupiers,” he is now more eager than ever to participate in a U.S.-Russia summit, and even hopes to hold a U.S.-Russia-Ukraine summit unconditionally.

NATO Secretary-General Rutte, in an interview with ABC on August 10, helplessly stated that Ukraine may eventually have to accept Russia’s de facto control over part of the occupied territories. Such control would be based on “factual” recognition, not “legal” recognition. This was by far the most candid and straightforward statement from a NATO leader regarding a peaceful solution to the Russia-Ukraine war.

On the eve of the Alaska summit, German Chancellor Merz met Zelensky in Berlin. The leaders of Italy, France, the United Kingdom, Poland, and Finland, as well as European Council President von der Leyen and NATO Secretary-General Rutte, also participated via video link. After the meeting, Merz, on behalf of the European partners, put forward five demands to Trump to ensure Europe’s and Ukraine’s basic security interests: Ukraine must participate in follow-up talks, a ceasefire must precede any peace agreement, territorial claims must be based on the existing frontlines, Ukraine must receive security guarantees, and negotiations with Russia should be based on a “common transatlantic strategy.”

Although the Alaska summit did not reach a milestone agreement, it itself had milestone significance. It not only meant that U.S.-Russia relations had warmed up further, but also that the Russia-Ukraine war was one step closer to a “strategic match point” of U.S.-Russia compromise and Ukraine-Europe concessions. Since Trump and Putin have agreed to continue holding summits, Putin’s suggestion of Moscow as the next venue cannot be ruled out. The next summit may become a decisive closing negotiation, whether limited to the U.S. and Russia, or expanded to include trilateral U.S.-Russia-Ukraine talks, or even quadrilateral talks involving the U.S., Russia, Ukraine, and the EU or NATO.

The future of the Russia-Ukraine war as a “tragic victory for Russia and a tragic defeat for Ukraine” is becoming increasingly clear, as the balance of victory in the war is tilting more visibly toward Russia and approaching its ceasefire conditions: Ukrainian troops withdrawing from the remaining controlled areas of Donbas, giving Russia full control over Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson, Zaporizhzhia, and the Crimean Peninsula. On the 11th, Ukrainian frontline military personnel admitted that Ukrainian troops entrenched in the southwest corner of Donetsk faced the risk of encirclement, and on the 13th, the governor of that region pessimistically stated that Russian forces had fully controlled the Donetsk frontline.

What cannot be obtained on the battlefield is difficult to obtain at the negotiating table; what cannot be gained at the negotiating table can only be fought for on the battlefield. Whether at the negotiating table or on the battlefield, since the U.S. is almost entirely leaning toward Russia, Ukraine and its European partners will be the losers. Perhaps before the next U.S.-Russia summit or multilateral summit is held, Russian forces will already have achieved their established battlefield objectives, and by then, Ukraine and its European partners will be forced to swallow the bitter fruit of ceding land in exchange for peace.

Prof. Ma is the Dean of the Institute of Mediterranean Studies (ISMR) at Zhejiang International Studies University in Hangzhou. He specializes in international politics, particularly Islam and Middle Eastern affairs. He previously worked as a senior Xinhua correspondent in Kuwait, Palestine, and Iraq.

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Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

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The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

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What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

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By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

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The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

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In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

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