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Constructing connectivity: A decade of China’s Belt and Road Initiative in the Global South

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Yingshi Gao, CGTN Journalist

It has been ten years since China initiated the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This September, the Jakarta-Bandung High-Speed Railway in Indonesia opened to traffic, drawing a barrage of international media spotlight and a fresh wave of skepticism from the West. Many outlets in the Western media sphere have cast a dubious eye on the economic viability of this railway, igniting the discourse around the purported ‘debt trap’ diplomacy often associated with the BRI. Echoes of neo-colonialism, too, resonate through the hallways of global dialogue, painting China’s vast infrastructural endeavor in shades of imperial ambition.

Both statistical data and local leaders have rebuffed this portrayal. Take the example of sub-Saharan Africa; in 2022, the debt-to-GDP ratio in this region stood at approximately 56.3%, whereas globally, it was 247%.

In 2018, former Liberia Public Works Minister W. Gyude Moore penned an article and commented, “The language of ‘debt-trap diplomacy’ resonates more in Western countries, especially the United States, and is rooted in anxiety about China’s rise as a global power rather than in the reality of Africa.” In 2022, a study from the Centre on Global Energy Policy at Columbia University also suggested that private sector maneuvering rather than Chinese scheming is more likely to induce a wave of defaults.

Another popular narrative describes China as using ‘untransparent’ debt strategically to aid ‘authoritarian states.’ Some argue that “Chinese aid poses a challenge to conditional aid, thus weakening democracy promotion.” Professor Andreas Freytag at the University of Jena, Germany, did research on this issue in 2022. His research discovered that Chinese aid correlates with a neutral or positive influence on the endorsement of democracy. Moreover, individuals displaying favorable sentiments towards China appear more inclined to cherish democratic values. On the other hand, the US’s favorable views do not consistently influence democratic support.

Compared to debt, the more urgent problem faced by the Global South is the inability to provide sufficient public goods, hindering faster development in these countries. In Africa’s energy sector, building a reliable electric system has been one of the significant challenges for decades. Access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa was only 47% in 2022, forcing locals to buy their own electric generators, increasing production costs, and generating more pollution.

This is something that Cao Fengze, a Chinese opinion leader and engineer, noticed. When he first arrived in Zambia, participating in the building of a water dam, he tried to buy an air fryer. He found the price of the air fryer to be much higher than expected. Cheaper air fryers were also available (usually less than 200 RMB), but everyone advised him not to buy one since the electrical power system in Zambia was highly unstable, and having multiple power outages on a daily basis was very normal. After a few ups and downs in voltage, lower-quality appliances would burn out quickly. I interviewed him about his fieldwork. From his perspective, establishing a local industrial system is only possible with a stable energy supply, and a gravity dam represents the most cost-effective power scheme for Zambia. Once constructed, a gravity dam requires less maintenance and still has a long lifespan. In his words, “If I embed a coin in the dam, the next person to see the coin may be from many centuries later.”

The lack of enough public goods also greatly impacts Zambia’s agricultural sector. For instance, the price variances between Zambia and its potential market, East Africa, are significant. Crops such as maize and soybeans can be sold at higher prices in Nairobi and Kampala. In June 2022, maize prices in Nairobi crossed $500/Mt, while the price in Lusaka was just over $200/Mt. However, farmers in Zambia are not able to benefit from these potential profits due to inefficiencies in cross-border markets and transport logistics. This forms a negative feedback loop: constrained by poverty, Global South nations often find themselves unable to invest in building and maintaining interconnecting highways. Without these crucial transport links, they remain trapped and mired in poverty, unable to unleash their economic potential.

But how to break that loop? In the eyes of the Chinese, the answer is not foreign food aid but vast investment in public goods to build a system that can generate blood for itself.

That is also why China has focused on building electric and transportation facilities among the BRI participating countries.

To tackle the power deficit, China funded and helped to build the Kafue Gorge Lower hydropower station, the largest power project undertaken by Zambia since its independence. Five new Chinese-built generators in this dam added 750 megawatts to the country’s national grid, adding nearly a third of this country’s electric capacity. Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema also participated in the commissioning ceremony and praised that both countries completed the project in ‘an ingenious way.’

Chinese infrastructure projects are more than just building roads and railways but aim to establish a systematic base for future development.

Building water dams, for example, has helped local workers learn new skills through participating in the construction work. The local government has also benefited from working closely with China in managing big projects, aligning different interests, and ensuring that everything runs smoothly.

It’s like fine-tuning a well-oiled machine. This isn’t just about making sure that trade keeps flowing but also about growing skill sets and laying down a foundation for the future.

Despite these advantages, the Belt and Road Initiative still has room for improvement. For instance, local communities affected by the projects have called for equal compensation. Moreover, there have been calls for enhanced transparency and adherence to stricter labor practices. Addressing these concerns will make the BRI a more robust and mutually beneficial initiative.

DIPLOMACY

EU, Mercosur aim to finalize trade deal by early December

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The European Commission and Mercosur countries are working to complete negotiations on a long-anticipated trade deal by early December, sources familiar with the discussions told POLITICO.

Farmers are expected to rally against the deal in Brussels on Wednesday, with additional protests in France later in the week.

The upcoming G20 summit in Rio de Janeiro was initially seen as the ideal opportunity to finalize the agreement, which has been under negotiation for nearly 25 years.

“All the cards are on the table,” said one person familiar with the EU-Mercosur talks. “They want to ensure a near-finalized deal, so Ursula [von der Leyen] doesn’t make the trip in vain.” However, the signing of the agreement might be delayed over concerns that China could overshadow the summit.

A European Commission official confirmed that face-to-face talks are scheduled for the week of November 25 in Brazil to resolve any outstanding issues. While the official refrained from specifying a completion date, they emphasized that the Mercosur nations—Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, and new member Bolivia—are pushing to sign the agreement promptly.

Uruguay is set to host the Mercosur summit from December 2–4, with Argentina, under newly elected Javier Milei, assuming the bloc’s presidency.

China concerns accelerate EU-Mercosur deal timeline

This “cows-for-cars” trade deal would eliminate trade barriers and establish a common market encompassing around 800 million people, representing 20% of global GDP. For European countries, particularly Germany, this agreement is viewed as overdue, especially given China’s expanding economic footprint in South America, where European firms are increasingly being sidelined.

“If we don’t reach a trade agreement with [Mercosur], China will inevitably fill the void,” remarked Kaja Kallas, the EU’s new foreign minister, on Tuesday. Citing data, she added that Chinese investment in Latin America surged 34-fold between 2020 and 2022.

Those familiar with the negotiations indicated that certain issues remain unresolved, including public procurement regulations, environmental provisions, and the legal structure of the agreement.

Mercosur nations are particularly keen on securing more flexibility from the EU and additional time for local firms to compete with European counterparts. Brazil has also expressed a desire to protect its domestic automotive industry from EU imports, especially electric vehicles.

France’s reluctance and Macron’s challenges

French Trade Minister Sophie Primas recently stated to POLITICO that Mercosur countries are eager to finalize the deal before the Mercosur summit. However, Primas remains skeptical that the agreement will enable the EU to effectively counter China’s influence in Latin America.

Amid concerns over a potential surge in agricultural imports, France successfully blocked the Mercosur negotiations in January, just as they were nearing completion. This time, however, President Emmanuel Macron faces a tougher challenge, especially after recent electoral setbacks in the European Parliament and National Assembly.

In a recent letter published in Le Monde, over 600 French MPs from both parliamentary chambers urged von der Leyen not to proceed with the deal, citing unmet democratic, economic, environmental, and social standards for an agreement with Mercosur.

Paris falls short of blocking coalition

Despite recent efforts to secure opposition, Paris is unlikely to gather the qualified minority—representing at least 35% of the EU population—needed to block the deal when it comes to a vote among EU member states.

France has also launched a diplomatic campaign to persuade other EU nations to oppose the agreement. However, two diplomats with direct knowledge report that Italy has not been swayed.

Italy remains cautious in supporting the deal, wary of the potential for political fallout like that seen in France.

‘France’s opposition is symbolic; the battle is lost’

Over the weekend, Macron traveled to Argentina to meet with Milei ahead of the G20 summit in Brazil. Meanwhile, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is scheduled to visit Buenos Aires on November 20.

Although French ministers have vehemently opposed the deal and increased efforts to build a blocking minority, Prime Minister Michel Barnier has kept a low profile. Barnier is expected to meet with von der Leyen and EU Trade Commissioner Valdis Dombrovskis in Brussels today (November 13) and will likely address the Mercosur agreement, which he opposes in its current form.

Critics argue that France’s resistance is mostly symbolic, and that Paris has already lost this battle.

For years, France has insisted on incorporating the Paris Agreement and enacting legally binding deforestation commitments as part of the Mercosur deal. In response, the European Commission has indicated its intent to support French demands in the final phase of negotiations, although Mercosur countries have repeatedly signaled their resistance to any form of sanctions.

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Japan, UK to launch bilateral economic dialogue ahead of potential Trump tariffs

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Japan and the UK are set to initiate an economic version of the “two plus two” dialogue—a regular meeting between foreign and trade ministers—due to rising concerns about possible tariffs from U.S. President-elect Donald Trump.

Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba and his British counterpart, Keir Starmer, are scheduled to meet in Rio de Janeiro during the upcoming G20 Summit on Monday, November 18. According to officials from both governments, the goal is to establish a bilateral economic dialogue.

This development follows Trump’s recent election victory and his anticipated return to the White House in January. During his campaign, Trump pledged to impose tariffs of 60% on imports from China and 10-20% on imports from other nations, including Japan and the UK.

The Japan-UK economic dialogue aims to strengthen cooperation in upholding the international economic order, including principles of free trade.

Topics at the meeting will cover a wide range of strategic and geopolitical issues. Both partners are expected to explore ways to initiate a trade dialogue with the U.S. to prevent a potential tariff hike. Sources indicate that countermeasures may also be on the table if U.S. import tariffs do increase.

In 2023, 20% of Japan’s exports and 15% of the UK’s exports were destined for the U.S., underscoring the potential economic impact of increased tariffs.

Additionally, the UK hopes that a strengthened partnership with Japan can help offset its reduced influence since leaving the European Union (EU) in 2020.

During the previous Trump administration, the EU (of which the UK was then a member) imposed retaliatory tariffs on U.S. steel and motorcycles in response to Washington’s high import duties.

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Azerbaijan plans to boost oil and gas production as it hosts COP29

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The 29th Conference of the Parties (COP29) to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) has commenced in Baku, Azerbaijan’s capital. As the host nation, Azerbaijan is also looking to expand its fossil fuel production, positioning itself at the intersection of climate policy and energy expansion.

According to the Financial Times, Azerbaijan’s state oil and gas company SOCAR (State Oil Company of Azerbaijan Republic) is set to increase production of new fossil fuel sources during the COP29 summit. The summit, a key gathering on global climate change, underscores a paradox for Azerbaijan: pledging climate action while pursuing expanded oil and gas output.

A report by campaign group Global Witness, which analyzed data from independent consultancy Rystad Energy, estimates that 44% of SOCAR’s production will be new oil and gas by 2050—the second-highest proportion among national oil companies globally. This report examined production projections based on both developed and undeveloped fields as well as undiscovered fossil fuel reserves.

According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), new long-term oil and gas projects conflict with the goal of limiting the average global temperature rise to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels—the target set by the Paris Agreement. This expansion aligns Azerbaijan with Europe’s aim to diversify energy sources, especially given the EU’s push to replace Russian gas following the Ukraine conflict.

Meanwhile, SOCAR has increased production in recent years as Europe seeks to replace Russian natural gas with resources from other nations, including Azerbaijan. This has drawn criticism, particularly as Azerbaijan—through Muhtar Babayev, COP29 President and Minister of Ecology and Natural Resources—continues to call for limiting global warming to 1.5°C.

At COP28 last year in Dubai, almost 200 nations committed to phasing out fossil fuels by mid-century. Nevertheless, Azerbaijan has signed multiple oil and gas deals since securing COP29 hosting rights, including SOCAR’s first international investment in upstream oil and gas—a $468 million stake in UAE gas projects.

“Azerbaijan is Europe’s strategic supplier of natural gas and is expanding capacity to meet European energy demands after the 2022 supply disruptions,” a COP29 spokesperson stated. Additionally, Azerbaijan is “expanding its renewable energy exports to serve the region and European markets,” he added. SOCAR did not respond to requests for comment.

Azerbaijan’s COP presidency has sparked criticism, echoing concerns raised during the UAE’s COP28 role. Richard Kinley, former executive secretary of the UN climate panel, expressed disappointment: “It is deeply disturbing that they can’t even seem to draw a ‘sanitary cordon’ around the COP presidency to prevent fossil fuel interests from undermining its purpose.”

Danish Climate Minister Lars Aagaard—attending COP29—remarked that Azerbaijan’s energy strategy also includes renewable energy initiatives, with Ørsted, a prominent wind energy company, present at the summit. However, European diplomats told the Financial Times that Azerbaijani officials have raised gas deal discussions alongside climate negotiations, mainly in relation to replacing Russian gas supplies transiting through Ukraine, with this contract ending soon.

According to Bloomberg, companies in Hungary and Slovakia are finalizing a deal with Azerbaijan to substitute gas from the Ukrainian pipeline. Energy analysts have cautioned that this agreement could mask continued Russian gas flows. Additionally, a recent report from Chatham House highlighted Azerbaijan’s strategy to secure long-term European gas supply agreements.

“By positioning itself at the heart of the multilateral climate process, the Azerbaijani government may seek to shape the global energy transition dialogue to ensure its oil and gas reserves remain profitable as long as possible,” the report suggests.

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