Connect with us

Opinion

Developments in the Middle East and opportunities for Türkiye in a multipolar world

Avatar photo

Published

on

Multipolarity has begun to take hold all over the world at a pace that exceeds predictions. As an analyst who has been arguing for years that the unipolar world order under American hegemony would be balanced rapidly, I am happy to see that my predictions have not proven me wrong. Yet I must accept that I could not have foreseen that the effects of the new world order would emerge so rapidly in almost every part of the world. For example, many analysts, not just me, could not foresee that a considerable number of countries from many parts of the world would be so resistant to the impositions of the Collective West, either because they see the end of the US-centered unipolarity coming or because they want it to end. While I think/express that moving away from the U.S. dollar in foreign trade would be an expected development, I must admit that I did not expect it to be materialized in such concrete steps.

THE IRAN-SAUDI ARABIA DÉTENTE: CHINA’S DIPLOMATIC SUCCESS

One of the most important developments that I did not foresee was the starting of the comprehensive normalization of relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, thanks to China’s mediation. For decades, relations between Iran, on the eastern side of the Gulf, and Saudi Arabia, on the West Bank, have been an area of bitter rivalry. These tense and at times hostile relations were not a phenomenon that emerged with the Islamic Revolution in Iran. For instance, even in the 1960s and 70s, when both Iran and Saudi Arabia were very, very close friends/allies of the United States, relations between the two states were extremely tense and competitive. When the Shah of Iran wanted to build a large and powerful army, the U.S. told him, “Take what you want, except nuclear,” while Saudi Arabia, which was in competition with Iran in those years, continued to be America’s very close regional ally. While Iran under Shah established fairly close relations with Israel, Saudi Arabia was an active member of the Egyptian-led anti-Israel Arab Bloc countries until Nasser took a direct part in the Yemen civil war against it.

The Islamic Revolution (1979) further deepened tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia and the Gulf Emirates. During the Iraq-Iran war (1980-1988), which lasted eight years due to Khomeini’s policy of ‘exporting the revolution’, Arab countries, which had previously had disagreements among themselves due to many issues, came together to form a united front against Tehran. Despite Iran’s gradual abandonment of its regime-export policies after Khomeini’s death, and despite occasional efforts at normalization between Tehran and Riyadh, the crisis of trust between Saudi Arabia and Iran has persisted. The policies pursued by the United States after its invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran’s efforts to gain influence by interfering in the internal affairs of both Iraq and the Gulf Arab countries, made the crisis of trust between Riyadh and Tehran permanent. America and its allies, who want to keep the Iranian leadership under constant pressure, have done their best to keep this crisis of trust perpetuated. On the one hand, they have sold large quantities of arms to Saudi Arabia and the Gulf Emirates, while on the other hand, they have tried to bring these countries closer to Israel and create a common front against Iran by claiming that they are protecting them against Iran. Admittedly, these policies have served American and Israeli interests in the Middle East for decades.

The fact that the normalization of the Riyadh-Tehran line with the help of Chinese diplomacy seems to have a positive outcome, despite the fact that it is conditional on Iran’s non-interference in the internal affairs of the countries in the Gulf, especially those with Shia Arab populations (Bahrain, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia) and its willingness to compromise in the Yemeni civil war (this also applies to the Saudis), means that the order that America has established in this region for decades will be disrupted. Saudi Arabia’s move away from the U.S. dollar in oil sales seems to herald a completely different milestone. The first visible consequence of all this is that U.S. influence in the Middle East is beginning to decline. It will be necessary to keep a close eye on how this will affect Israel’s policies in the region, because even though the Arab countries that have normalized their relations with Iran are concerned about Tehran’s acquisition of nuclear weapons, they will not act as Israel’s natural allies against Iran in the short and medium term.

AS SYRIA RE-ENTERS THE INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM…

Another area where the decline of U.S. regional influence and prestige, which is already a result that can be expected as the world evolves into multipolarity, is clearly seen is the Syrian issue. The Arab countries are normalizing their relations with Damascus one after the other; it seems that there are not many states in the region that take seriously America’s oppression and blackmail aimed at isolating Syria. Expecting Syria to join the Arab League in a short period of time is now a very realistic scenario. Almost no country in the region takes seriously the U.S. sanctions that condemn the Syrian people to hunger and poverty, and there is a global consensus that the Damascus administration has won the war, even though the U.S. and Western states do not officially admit it…

Türkiye’s comprehensive recovery moves in its foreign policy over the last two and a half years will enable it to adapt to the extraordinary developments and new balances in the region today. For example, if we thought for a moment that we were in tense/stormy relations with Egypt, Israel, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Syria, Greece and even France to the extent that we could enter an armed conflict at almost any moment, as in the second half of 2020, we would be extremely staggered by what happened today. We have taken relations with all the states except Greece and Syria to the point where they should be again, and we have clearly declared our will to normalize relations with Damascus.

The lack of sufficient progress on Syria, despite President Erdoğan’s repeated calls for normalization since early August 2022, may be related to the fact that some stereotypes in the minds of our institutions and senior officials have become obsessions. For example, the statements of senior officials such as the political settlement process, the new constitution, and the reconciliation of the opposition and the ‘Syrian regime’ reflect a perspective that does not want to accept the fact that Syria has won this war. Aside from the impossibility of imposing a new constitution on Syria, which has a national-unitary structure, it is not possible to understand the insistence on these theses when it is clear that even if such an attempt is successful, it will drag the neighboring country into a federal structure and will be the beginning of the division in a world where ethnic/sectarian federations are collapsing or cracking, and it will be possible for the PKK/PYD to become a state in the east of the Euphrates. As we discussed in detail in our previous article in Harici (https://harici.com.tr/suriye-ile-normallesme-hem-kolay-hem-de-cok-zor/), normalization with Syria is both very easy and very difficult.

It all starts with adopting a policy based on national interest and accepting the existing facts. When we put aside policies that are both wrong/erroneous and do not serve the national interest, such as imposing a constitution on Syria, the right options will emerge. In the normalization process, which has not progressed sufficiently due to the bureaucracy’s foot-dragging for months, at least the fact that top officials no longer insistently use poisonous/repellent words such as reconciliation between the regime, the opposition and the regime, the constitution and the political solution process can be considered an important and positive start. It seems that the problem is now centered on Syria’s demand for guarantees that we should withdraw from territory under Turkish control, as has been widely hyped in the media. This is again a question of whether to accept the existing facts. Since we have not gone to Syria to conquer territory, we should withdraw. The problem can be solved by setting a realistic timetable and integrating these regions into Syrian sovereignty step by step while Turkish security forces are there. If Türkiye adopts a policy of sending the refugees, jointly fighting terrorism on the basis of the Adana agreement (both the PKK/PYD and its derivatives and terrorist organizations against Syria) and ensuring that the TRNC is recognized by Damascus…

In a multipolar world, we will need nuanced foreign policies in the Middle East, as in many other regions. For example, to show that while we have good relations with Israel, on the other hand, we will not be part of the competition/hostility policies of this country against Iran or the ideological based anti-Israelism of the Tehran administration while we are in close relations with Iran… To establish as close economic and political relations as possible with Saudi Arabia and the Gulf States while at the same time benefiting from their normalization process with Iran and trying to improve our foreign trade and economic relations with all these states… While expressing the legitimate rights of Palestinians and providing political/diplomatic support to the demands of the Arab states for Palestinians from Israel, to achieve this without breaking the connection with Israel… And to strive mainly for the Middle East to be a region of peace and stability, within which Türkiye will provide the most benefits in terms of trade and investment. A foreign policy based on these nuances will make Türkiye strong in the region, while isolating Greece and forcing Athens to gradually move away from its maximalist demands because of the decline in the power of the United States and the Collective West. There is no doubt that Türkiye has more than enough power and human resources to do so.

Opinion

Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

Avatar photo

Published

on

The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

Continue Reading

Opinion

What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

Avatar photo

Published

on

By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

Continue Reading

Opinion

The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

Avatar photo

Published

on

In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

Continue Reading

MOST READ

Turkey