Europe
Eight EU states push to curb foreign policy vetoes
Eight European Union member states, including Germany and France, want to reorganise the bloc’s foreign policy decision-making process.
The member states circulated the proposal, obtained by Bloomberg, ahead of informal meetings of EU defence and foreign ministers taking place in Ireland this week.
Many foreign policy decisions require unanimity, a requirement that has caused specific initiatives to remain blocked for years.
Former Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban regularly used this veto power to block sanctions against Russia or halt support provided to Ukraine.
The document acknowledges a “radically altered environment shaped by strategic competition, growing instability, and attempts to undermine the rules-based international order”, and notes that the EU must “mobilise its collective political, economic, and diplomatic weight swiftly and effectively”.
Although the countries support “consensus as far as possible”, they are seeking solutions to accelerate the decision-making process and prevent bottlenecks without the need to rewrite the treaties, a step that would itself require unanimity.
The document proposes principles such as “sincere cooperation, avoiding linking unrelated policy debates, and constructive abstention” to ensure that member states can oppose a decision without vetoing it.
A group of countries made a similar attempt last year, but the effort is being brought back onto the agenda in the context of a broader debate on transforming the EU’s diplomatic service.
A proposal backed by Germany aims to integrate this service into the European Commission, the EU’s executive arm, in order to centralise foreign policy activities.
Under the Franco-German plan, Kaja Kallas would assume a more active role and hold broader responsibilities within the European Commission. However, Ursula von der Leyen would retain the final say on foreign policy.
Under the complex architecture of the Lisbon Treaty, the High Representative leads the European External Action Service (EEAS) and designs, coordinates, and implements foreign policy on behalf of the 27 member states.
The High Representative also serves as one of the vice-presidents of the European Commission.
However, heavy portfolios that shape the course of international policy, such as trade, energy, climate, and migration, fall largely under the Commission’s remit, leaving the EEAS without tangible leverage to bring to the table.
Enlargement, another area with a distinct geopolitical dimension, rests entirely within the hands of the Commission.
This division of competences has allowed Ursula von der Leyen to expand her foreign policy role significantly.
She has also pursued an intensive travel schedule to sign various high-profile agreements.
Von der Leyen’s expanding influence has caused surprise in capitals and generated occasional criticism alleging “overreach” and a “power grab”, despite her being frequently encouraged by EU leaders to take the lead in global crises.
The Franco-German plan envisages giving Kallas an active role in coordinating external relations areas run by Commission directorates-general (DGs), such as development aid (DG INTPA), humanitarian aid (DG ECHO), defence industry (DG DEFIS), and neighbourhood relations, which are divided between DG ENEST (Eastern Europe) and DG MENA (Middle East, North Africa, and the Gulf).
The high-stakes trade portfolio could also be considered.
To strengthen the new structure, a dedicated foreign policy department would be established. Until its integration into the EEAS in 2010, the Commission operated a directorate-general for external relations (DG RELEX).
In practice, Kallas would have broader and direct responsibilities within the Commission.
Yet this expansion of authority would ultimately benefit von der Leyen, as she would remain the supreme authority as Commission President, mirroring the hierarchical relationship between a prime minister and a foreign minister at national level.
The EEAS, which Kallas currently runs independently of von der Leyen, would be weakened to reduce the risk of institutional conflict.
This reform requires amending the 2010 decision establishing the European External Action Service (EEAS) rather than the Lisbon Treaty. Unanimous agreement will also be required on this matter.
Europe
Most EU citizens reject fast-track Ukraine accession, poll finds
An opinion survey conducted across the European Union has revealed that 53% of bloc citizens oppose admitting Ukraine to the EU through an accelerated process in the coming years.
According to the study carried out by the Bertelsmann Foundation, 47% of EU residents support the idea of fast-track membership.
The most pronounced opposition to rapid accession was recorded in Romania at 60%, followed by Germany at 59%, and France and Poland at 57% each.
The lowest resistance to Ukraine’s accelerated membership was found in Sweden at 31%. This figure stood at 37% in Spain and Portugal, and remained at 43% in the Netherlands.
Domestic support for the process remains exceptionally high; 83% of the public in Ukraine want to join the bloc as soon as possible.
Europeans differ over defence contributions and strategic benefits
The survey also examined perceptions regarding the defence of the continent. Some 58% of Ukrainians believe that their “resistance against Russia’s military campaign protects the entire continent and the EU as a whole.”
In contrast, 29% of bloc citizens share the view that the EU and its member states contribute more to defending the union than Ukraine does.
While 23% of participants view the efforts of both sides as equal, the share of those who consider Ukraine to be the bloc’s “primary protector” remains at 16%.
The study also indicates that low expectations concerning the tangible benefits Ukraine would provide to the bloc contribute to the limited support for its membership.
Only 14% of surveyed Europeans believe that this accession will make the EU stronger and more influential on a global scale. Meanwhile, the proportion of respondents who anticipate that Ukraine’s entry will increase the bloc’s resilience was measured at 11%.
Timetable debate persists in the negotiation process
Ukraine applied for membership immediately after Russia’s military intervention and gained candidate status in 2022.
The accession process encompasses a 33-chapter reform package organised under six clusters, which aims to guarantee democratic and economic standards.
Formal accession talks began in June 2024. The negotiation process, which had long been blocked by Hungary, made progress after Peter Magyar took office as the country’s prime minister.
Magyar also succeeded in having the term “accelerated accession” for Ukraine removed from EU texts.
Magyar argued that a contrary approach would send the wrong message to Western Balkan nations, such as Serbia, Albania, Montenegro, and North Macedonia, which have worked towards membership for years.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has called for the membership process to be completed by 2027, stating that this would provide a fundamental security guarantee for both Ukraine and Europe.
On the other hand, circles within the bloc that oppose rushing the process insist on the complete fulfilment of all conditions, including anti-corruption measures.
Meanwhile, the EU Ambassador to Ukraine, Katarina Mathernova, points to 2030 as a likely accession date.
For membership to take place following the completion of negotiations, all 27 EU member states must grant unanimous approval.
So far, only the first of the six chapter clusters, covering fundamental values and principles such as the rule of law, human rights, and the judiciary, has been opened for Ukraine.
Europe
NATO unveils 32-nation defence strategy to counter adversaries
NATO Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR) Alexus Grynkewich has unveiled a new defence strategy aimed at rendering any attack against an alliance member entirely futile.
Speaking at the Warsaw Security Forum, Grynkewich said the concept, titled the “Theory of War”, is designed to prevent hostile elements from infiltrating NATO territory and waging conflict there.
Arguing that they aim to reassure the one billion people living within the alliance’s borders, Grynkewich maintained that they also wish to send a message to adversaries such as Russia that NATO is prepared for a potential invasion.
“If we are attacked, we are ready to fight even tonight,” Grynkewich said.
Three-stage defence plan enters into force
Approved by all 32 alliance members, the plan combines land forces and conventional weapons systems with advanced technologies such as unmanned aerial vehicles, counter-drone systems, and artificial intelligence.
Lessons drawn from ground and air combat in Ukraine, as well as current conflicts in the Middle East, play a decisive role in shaping the strategy.
According to Grynkewich, the new defence doctrine rests on three fundamental phases that form the core of NATO’s approach:
The first pillar of the plan, the “block” phase, focuses on preventing hostile forces from seizing allied territory.
In this context, NATO ground components will engage directly with attacking units, restrict their manoeuvrability, and neutralise forces attempting to breach alliance borders.
Should the assault continue, the second phase (“blunt”) will come into play, deploying autonomous systems requiring minimal human intervention alongside advanced sensor networks to slow the momentum of the attack and wear down advancing forces.
These systems will detect threats in real time, combining capabilities across different operational domains to halt the adversary’s advance.
The final stage, the “break” phase, will target not the attacking units directly, but the operational warfighting system that sustains them.
Command centres, supply chains, and logistics routes will be struck using long-range precision strike systems and sensor networks, eliminating the adversary’s ability to sustain military operations.
“Enemy commanders will not be able to direct their troops, their supply lines will be severed, and their logistics vehicles will be destroyed,” Grynkewich said.
Strategy aims to defend borders rather than gain territory
Noting that NATO has no intention of acquiring territory and that the strategy is entirely defence-oriented, Grynkewich said, “We have no plan, intention, or ambition beyond protecting our citizens and our territory.”
Stating that he considers the likelihood of a direct attack on alliance territory to be low, the commander nevertheless stated that they would respond without hesitation to any attempt targeting allies.
Addressing questions regarding US commitment to the alliance, Grynkewich recalled that Washington reaffirmed its adherence to Article 5 at the NATO summit in July.
Article 5, which forms the cornerstone of NATO’s collective defence principle, stipulates that an armed attack against one ally is considered an attack against all members.
Europe
Germany detains two Turkish suspects over Polish Starlink arson
Polish authorities have announced that German police detained two Turkish citizens suspected of setting fire to a Starlink station near Warsaw last month.
Tomasz Siemoniak, Poland’s minister coordinating the special services, told a news conference in Warsaw on Monday that Poland has requested the suspects’ extradition and has “no doubt” that Russian secret services were behind the arson attack.
“It should also be noted that Russian intelligence agencies are increasingly turning to people linked to the criminal underworld,” Siemoniak said at the press conference.
In a post on X, Prime Minister Donald Tusk described the incident as another “act of hybrid warfare” and said those responsible for the sabotage would be brought to justice in Poland.
Interior Minister Marcin Kierwinski said the two Turkish citizens would be charged in Poland with carrying out an act of sabotage on the orders of a foreign intelligence agency.
Power supply equipment at a Starlink ground station serving Eastern Europe, including Poland and Ukraine, caught fire on the night of 23 September.
The incident did not cause a major disruption to internet service. The blaze, however, completely destroyed the station’s electrical system and backup generator.
Poland, a key transit route for Western aid to Ukraine, has faced a series of suspicious incidents recently.
Numerous cyberattacks have targeted public utilities, including water and energy infrastructure as well as hospitals.
In addition, damage to a railway line between Warsaw and the Ukrainian border was attributed by officials to Russian sabotage.
In late July, a Russian missile also landed in Poland.
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