Europe
Europe heading for a ‘military Schengen’
The long-proposed plan for a ‘military Schengen’ zone in Europe is already being implemented, according to an assessment in Foreign Policy (FP).
At the end of January, Germany, the Netherlands and Poland signed an agreement to create a military transport corridor between them. Siemtje Möller, Parliamentary State Secretary at the German Ministry of Defence, said the corridor would increase military mobility ‘on the way to a real military Schengen’.
It is not the first time that European politicians have floated the idea of adapting the existing visa-free movement of people and goods in the Schengen area to the movement of troops and military equipment throughout Europe, but the idea is now clearly gaining momentum.
The idea of a military Schengen first emerged after Russia’s annexation of Crimea. European military authorities are exploring the lessons of the Cold War, including military mobility.
But several experts, diplomats and military sources told FP that progress has been much slower than desired. “The liberalisation of the rules is agreed by everyone. But the problem is that we have been talking about it since 2015,” Tomasz Szatkowski, Poland’s permanent representative to NATO said.
Officials acknowledged that European countries have ‘a long way to go’ to effectively move their personnel and materiel.
The transition of anything related to a military mission in Europe is beset by obstacles ranging from bureaucratic hurdles to infrastructure gaps.
Baltic states fear no help in case of war
Urmas Paet, an Estonian MEP and vice-chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, rated military mobilisation ‘3 out of 10’ and suggested that it could currently take ‘weeks or at least more than a week’ to send supplies to the Baltic states.
The FP stresses that the ‘paperwork’ is cumbersome. Different permits have to be obtained from different ministries in different countries, and sometimes from different regions within a country, it said, adding that most roads and bridges are built for civilian use and are unlikely to withstand the weight of heavy military equipment.
As the central European fuel pipeline does not extend to the eastern countries, longer delays in fuel supplies could also be a decisive factor. In addition, track gauges in the former Soviet states are different from European gauges, and transferring thousands of troops and equipment from one train to another in a wartime situation could add to the time required.
Mini-military Schengen for the Balkans planned
“Now I hear ministers in various organisations talking about it,” Lieutenant General Ben Hodges, a former NATO commander who was the first to advocate military Schengen and is believed to have coined the term, told FP at the recent Munich Security Conference.
The ability to act quickly in a crisis is a crucial part of military deterrence doctrine, Hodges stressed. “We need to have not just equipment and troops, but the ability to move quickly, to get spare parts in, to store fuel and ammunition, and the Russians need to see that we have that,” the officer said, noting that a force’s ability to mobilise and move quickly must be visible to the enemy and deter them from attacking in the first place.
While welcoming the agreement between Germany, the Netherlands and Poland as a ‘great start’, Hodges points out that many more such corridors are under discussion.
Bulgaria’s chief of staff, Emil Eftimov, for example, said the allies should prioritise a corridor from Alexandroupoli in Greece to Romania and across the Adriatic to Albania and northern Macedonia.
“They want corridors from Greece to Bulgaria to Romania. The aim of all these corridors is to have a smooth route in terms of infrastructure, but also to get customs and all the legal obstacles out of the way,” Hodges said.
Germany-Netherlands-Poland corridor as a model
The Germany-Netherlands-Poland corridor is the first of many planned to identify and resolve bottlenecks and possibly provide a template for future corridors.
A senior military source, who spoke to FP on condition of anonymity, said the corridor would address a number of issues.In peacetime, he said, it would also allow authorities to smooth federal processes, as each state in Germany has its own laws for troops or dangerous equipment passing through its territory. In wartime, he added, the corridor would be ‘much more than a road’.Explaining that a hundred thousand or more soldiers would be on the move in a crisis, the military source said: “They would need a place to stop, rest, access spare parts depots and fuel depots.In such a scenario, we would also need arrangements to deal with war refugees,” the military source said.
This is a daunting task even for the three nations. Paet added that defence is a ‘national capability’ and ‘countries share as much as they want to share’. Countries do not easily share details of critical infrastructure, such as the location and number of bridges that have a military load classification and can support the weight of heavy tanks.
The EU’s roads and railways – not fit for war
There is also a lack of accurate data on infrastructure. According to a 2021 report by the Centre for European Policy Analysis (CEPA), 90 per cent of European roads, 75 per cent of national roads and 40 per cent of bridges can carry vehicles classified as military, with a maximum load of 50 tonnes.
The Leopard and Abrams tanks, both of which have been used against Russia on the Ukrainian battlefield, are significantly heavier.
“The Leopard tank weighs about 75 tonnes, I think, and the Abrams is a bit heavier. Most of these tanks will be transported behind HETs (heavy equipment transporters) and each HET weighs about 15 to 20 tonnes. There won’t be just one tank on the road,” he said.
CEPA also notes that the combination of trucks, trailers and heavy tanks could be well in excess of 120 tonnes and considers the existing infrastructure to be largely unsuitable for military movements.
The EU recognises the need to fund dual-use infrastructure – civil and military – and has already approved funding for 95 such projects.
But the Polish ambassador and Hodges said they were concerned that funding for the EU’s infrastructure financing instrument, the Connecting Europe Facility (CEF), had been cut from €6.5 billion to €1.7 billion.
German and French opposition to ‘investment in the East’
Rail Baltica, a transnational railway project funded by the CEF, plans to extend Europe’s rail network to the Baltic countries of Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia, and is due to be operational by 2030. But local news organisations are reporting concerns about funding.
Moreover, countries such as France, Belgium and even Germany are resisting the idea of investing in Eastern Europe to extend the Central European pipeline and using it for more general EU defence.
The European Defence Agency, which coordinates EU defence cooperation, is working on a common format for land and air mobility to standardise bureaucratic processes and simplify paperwork. But although it has been adopted by 25 member states, there is still reluctance among those that have not yet integrated these ‘technical rules’ into their national processes.
Europe
German carmakers face historical crisis as Chinese competition and market contraction erode profits
The German automotive industry is enduring a severe period of distress, driven by intensifying competition from Chinese vehicle manufacturers and an increasingly overheated domestic market in China.
For decades, China served as the primary engine that propelled German carmakers into global titans, yielding robust sales and billions in profits. Today, that historic reliance has transformed into their heaviest liability.
According to an analysis published by Politico, domestic Chinese manufacturers—having spent decades observing, learning, and investing—are now producing better-equipped electric vehicles at prices lower than those offered by Volkswagen, BMW, and Mercedes-Benz.
At the same time, China’s automotive market—the largest in the world—has become severely overheated and contracted by a fifth this year. The sharp downturn has forced both domestic and foreign automakers into a ruthless battle for survival.
The tangible impact of this pressure became clear this month as German carmakers reported their half-year financial results, disclosing billions of dollars in losses alongside announcements of widespread layoffs and plant closures across Europe.
“The environment has never been as challenging as the one we face today,” Oliver Blume, Chief Executive Officer of the Volkswagen Group, told investors. “Looking ahead, the risks before us are steadily mounting.”
The structural distress within the auto sector delivers another blow to Germany’s already struggling economy. It also presents a escalating political predicament for Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s fragile coalition ahead of critical state elections this autumn.
Dismantled dreams in the automotive sector
Since the 1980s, China had functioned as the primary engine of high profit margins for German automakers.
To gain access to a vast and rapidly expanding consumer market, carmakers were required by Beijing to establish joint ventures with local partners.
For decades, that arrangement proved highly lucrative, delivering massive returns to shareholders.
However, in the post-pandemic era, Chinese companies rapidly outpaced their German rivals in electric vehicle technology, which gained swift adoption across China.
While German brands long enjoyed high prestige among Chinese consumers, buyers have swiftly shifted toward domestic manufacturers offering superior technology at lower price points.
“They are suffering massive losses in China and may no longer be able to recover there,” said Pedro Pacheco, an automotive analyst at the consulting firm Gartner.
Chronic problems spread beyond China into Germany
The fallout is increasingly being felt inside manufacturing plants within Germany itself, rather than remaining confined to China.
BMW announced this week that it will eliminate 8,000 jobs across Germany by the end of 2027, with severance payments set to begin in October.
Mercedes-Benz is asking its workforce to extend weekly working hours from 35 to 40 hours for the same pay.
Meanwhile, industry flagship Volkswagen is locked in negotiations with labor unions over plans to lay off 100,000 workers and shut down domestic factories.
This severe downturn is providing political momentum to the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, which is gaining traction in national polls.
The party is leveraging the auto sector’s decline and job losses to launch sharp attacks on the government.
“Even major industrial pillars like Volkswagen, Porsche, or Infineon are recording historic drops in profits and planning hundreds of thousands of layoffs in the coming years,” AfD co-leader Alice Weidel said this week. “This demonstrates how far the deindustrialization of our business hub has truly advanced.”
Merz and his governing coalition will get an initial indication of how these cutbacks resonate with voters during state elections this autumn in Saxony-Anhalt and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, both of which are strongholds for the AfD in eastern Germany.
Chinese vehicles begin to dominate European market
While automakers continue to perform well in North America and Europe, the collapse of sales in China is eroding overall profits.
Facing fierce domestic competition and systemic overcapacity at home, Chinese carmakers are exporting vehicles in record volumes.
Europe has emerged as their primary target market: China now sells more vehicles in Europe than Germany sells in China.
European consumers are enthusiastically embracing these imports. According to the latest data from the automotive industry association ACEA, sales of Chinese-made cars in the European Union surged by 63% in the first half of this year, rising from 338,000 units in 2025 to roughly 549,000 units in 2026.
That figure now represents nearly 10% of total European automobile sales.
Although German car companies carry an unparalleled exposure to China, even manufacturers with no operational footprint there, such as Renault, are feeling the severe impact of rising Chinese vehicle sales in Europe.
Automotive analyst Matthias Schmidt noted that the influx of inexpensive Chinese vehicles featuring advanced technology has put pressure on Renault and its budget brand, Dacia.
Renault disclosed on Thursday that sales of its Dacia brand fell by 8% year-on-year in the first half of 2026.
European firms forced into cooperation with Chinese rivals
The European Commission attempted to intervene by imposing tariffs on Chinese-made electric vehicles following an anti-subsidy investigation, but the added costs have done little to stem the inflow.
The tariffs do not apply to plug-in hybrid vehicles, leaving a lucrative loop-hole for Chinese manufacturers to exploit.
These shifting dynamics are driving several European automakers to forge direct partnerships with Chinese competitors.
Stellantis, the Franco-Italian-American conglomerate, established a joint venture with Chinese manufacturer Leapmotor. According to ACEA data, Leapmotor’s European sales surged from just 7,701 units in the first half of 2025 to 48,261 units during the same period this year.
Volkswagen CEO Blume hinted that his company could pursue a similar path, telling investors the carmaker might begin manufacturing certain models in Europe that were originally developed in China for European consumers.
Olaf Lies, Minister-President of Lower Saxony—a major shareholder in Volkswagen—said earlier this summer that it would be a strategic error for the automaker to isolate itself from China’s technological advancements.
“Our objective should not be to isolate technological developments from one another,” Lies stated.
However, Schmidt warned that such a strategy carries significant risks for the German brand’s equity.
He noted that these vehicles would effectively remain Chinese-engineered cars bearing a VW badge, a dynamic that could prompt consumers to buy the cheaper Chinese-branded versions directly.
Accelerating the search for new markets
European automakers are also attempting to offset losses by pursuing growth in emerging markets.
“North America, India, and the Global South represent our growth engines for tomorrow,” Blume told investors during a briefing.
Yet Chinese manufacturers have already established a commanding presence in those regions, dominating electric vehicle sales across Southeast Asia and Latin America.
Under heavy pressure, European automakers are also attempting to monetize their mass-production expertise by capturing a share of rising global defense spending.
Blume told investors that Volkswagen is engaged in “very advanced discussions” with a defense contractor, adding that he expects “a decision to be made within this year.”
However, portions of the workforce, particularly in Germany, remain hesitant about associating the company with the arms industry.
Furthermore, the move carries a serious risk of retaliation from Beijing. Earlier this month, China imposed export restrictions on 14 defense and technology firms, including German defense giant Rheinmetall.
While those measures were presented as retaliation against export curbs targeting Chinese entities, automotive companies entering the defense sector could find themselves exposed to similar actions.
“European carmakers must act very, very carefully because this is not just a quick gain,” Pacheco warned. “It may look like one, but once you step onto that chessboard, you need to know how to play chess.”
Europe
Morawiecki launches Rozwój Plus movement following high-profile split from Poland’s PiS
The first major event organized by the political circle of Mateusz Morawiecki, following his split from Law and Justice (PiS), is set to take place in Warsaw’s Praga district.
The gathering comes just days after the former prime minister and dozens of his allies severed ties with the national-conservative PiS.
The move also led to Morawiecki’s resignation from the presidency of the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group in the European Parliament.
Organized by his Rozwój Plus (Development Plus) movement, the conference—dubbed “Morawiecki’s barbecue” due to the prominent inclusion of charcoal-grilled kiełbasa sausages—will mark a significant moment in Polish conservative politics.
The event will bring together key figures from the emerging movement alongside featured guests, including former world chess champion Garry Kasparov and General Rajmund Andrzejczak, the former chief of the General Staff of the Polish Armed Forces.
The gathering will offer Morawiecki’s camp an opportunity to present a political vision distinct from that of the current PiS leadership.
“Poles care about the fight for a strong Poland, their wallets, their jobs, housing, development, identity, culture, the Christian faith, and the defense of the cross hanging in the Sejm,” Morawiecki said this week. “These are our principles; this is our faith.”
Discussions will focus on demographics, security, and the politics of memory—topics that have grown increasingly sensitive amid recent tensions in Polish-Ukrainian relations.
While Morawiecki describes Rozwój Plus as an “expert group and think tank,” its political ambitions are becoming increasingly clear.
A new parliamentary group established on Wednesday brings together 40 deputies and one senator, providing his allies with an official platform in parliament and a base from which to challenge PiS.
“This is a threat to us,” Mateusz Kurzejewski, a PiS politician and spokesperson for Przemysław Czarnek’s prime ministerial campaign, told Euractiv. “After all, this is an initiative that reduces our chances of victory, though it does not eliminate them entirely. Therefore, we will continue to work hard.”
However, whether Morawiecki can successfully reshape the Polish right remains uncertain.
An SW Research poll commissioned by Onet revealed that 32.9% of respondents would consider voting for a party led by the former prime minister.
The strongest potential support comes from voters who already align with the right. Among respondents currently close to PiS, 14% said they would consider supporting Morawiecki, while 7.1% of those aligned with the further-right Confederation held the same view.
The initiative could also draw limited support from the ruling camp. Approximately 7.4% of voters currently supporting Prime Minister Donald Tusk’s pro-EU Civic Coalition, The Left, Poland 2050, or the Polish People’s Party indicated they would not rule out voting for a party led by Morawiecki.
Sources within Tusk’s government believe the split in PiS could benefit the ruling coalition in the short term.
“Particularly because this situation helps soften the impact of the hospital scandal,” one source told Euractiv. “Today, no one is talking about it anymore, and fortunately, no new statements have been made.”
The controversy revolves around allegations that a Warsaw hospital operated a preferential admission system for politicians belonging to the governing Civic Coalition, allowing them to enter a VIP lounge and receive medical treatment ahead of other patients.
Questions have also been raised regarding the salary of the doctor heading the hospital’s emergency department, who is reportedly linked to Tusk’s party.
Yet the same source warned that Morawiecki’s departure may have little long-term impact on the Civic Coalition.
They argued that PiS possesses a fiercely loyal electorate, whereas enthusiasm for Rozwój Plus could prove temporary.
“Look at the IBRiS poll for Rzeczpospolita,” another source said. “70% of PiS voters say they are voting for their ideal party. This core electorate accounts for about 70% of PiS’s current voters.”
A similar perspective prevails within PiS, where politicians contend that Morawiecki is chasing a voter base that may be too small to sustain a new party.
Speaking to Euractiv, Kurzejewski said:
“People do not want to vote for politicians who have been excluded from PiS. As for Law and Justice voters, they do not want to vote for those who betrayed them. That is why this project means Rozwój Plus will fail to clear the electoral threshold.”
Today’s event will therefore serve as an early test of whether Morawiecki can translate curiosity and institutional support into lasting political clout—or whether his departure will become merely another short-lived fracture on Poland’s crowded right wing.
Europe
Ceuta migration crisis sparks diplomatic row as Italy demands Spain’s suspension from Schengen
An influx of thousands of migrants entering Spain from neighboring Morocco has plunged the autonomous enclave of Ceuta into chaos since Wednesday, prompting fresh backlash against Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez’s immigration policies.
Local authorities warned on Wednesday that an increasing number of migrants were reaching Ceuta by sea.
Juan Jesús Vivas, the president of Ceuta, told reporters that the situation constituted “an absolute humanitarian and social emergency” and demanded that the central government take action.
The situation escalated further on Thursday as thousands of people entered Ceuta by land and sea, overwhelming reception centers.
Videos shared online showed individuals using wetsuits and life jackets to swim to shore.
In a statement posted Thursday on X, Sánchez announced that he was working with Moroccan authorities to restore order as quickly as possible and promised an immediate response.
The border chaos erupted just weeks after the Spanish Supreme Court issued a ruling preventing the direct deportation of migrants arriving by sea.
Sánchez’s political rivals laid the blame for the crisis directly on the prime minister. Santiago Abascal, leader of the right-wing Vox party, characterized the events as an “invasion,” while Alberto Núñez Feijóo, leader of the center-right People’s Party (PP), was also among those condemning the prime minister.
The developments drew additional criticism from anti-immigration figures across Europe, including Alice Weidel, co-leader of Alternative for Germany (AfD), and Manfred Weber, chairman of the European People’s Party (EPP), the largest group in the European Parliament.
“This proves one thing: the Migration Pact and return regulations must be put into force today, not tomorrow. Furthermore, Frontex must be strengthened,” Weber wrote.
Tensions have remained high in Spain since the Sánchez administration launched a program enabling undocumented migrants to apply for legal status and remain in the country. More than one million people have applied under the scheme.
This represents the most severe border crisis to hit Ceuta since 2021, when at least 8,000 people entered the territory from Morocco.
The autonomous Spanish cities of Ceuta and Melilla are the only EU territories sharing a land border with Africa.
Italian leaders demand Spain’s expulsion from Schengen
Meanwhile, the fiercest reaction to the migration crisis in Spain emerged from Italy. Top Italian politicians demanded that Spain be expelled from the Schengen Area as tensions continued to escalate.
Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni said in a statement on X: “The images coming from Ceuta are shocking and demonstrate once again that uncontrolled illegal migration poses a real threat to the security of Europe’s borders.”
Meloni added that Italy was prepared to act, “including through extraordinary measures,” to protect its borders and guarantee the safety of its citizens.
Together with Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini and Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani—the most senior ministers representing parties in the Italian right-wing coalition—Meloni demanded the suspension of the Schengen Agreement or the exclusion of Spain from the border-free zone.
Under the accord, individuals can travel freely between 29 signatory European countries.
However, several member states have reinstated checks at certain borders, as permitted under the agreement, citing migration risks.
Italy had previously temporarily reintroduced controls on its border with Slovenia to prevent smuggling and terrorism.
Tajani went beyond calling for Spain’s exclusion from Schengen, attributing responsibility for the events in Ceuta to the immigration policies of Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, who had promised to legalize hundreds of thousands of undocumented migrants.
The minister characterized the policy as “profoundly wrong” and claimed it provided “an incentive for human trafficking.”
The remarks provoked a sharp reaction from Spanish Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares, who summoned the Italian ambassador to account for Tajani’s statements.
Replying to Tajani on X, the Spanish minister wrote: “This message is unbefitting the foreign minister of a partner and friendly country from whom we expect European solidarity, not partisan demagogy.”
Separately, European Commissioner for Migration Magnus Brunner, who is also an EPP member, stated that the European Commission supports Spain in protecting the integrity of its borders, including Ceuta, and is in contact with Spanish Interior Minister Fernando Grande-Marlaska regarding the matter.
A spokesperson stated that the Commission welcomed “the close cooperation established between Morocco and Spain to combat these migratory flows and to ensure the swift return of individuals who entered Ceuta illegally, in accordance with applicable rules.”
“When it comes to our cooperation with partner countries, Morocco is a key and reliable partner for the EU. In recent years, we have intensified our cooperation in the areas of migration and border management, as well as the fight against smuggling. We are currently working to turn our relations into a comprehensive and strategic partnership,” the spokesperson added.
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