Sahra Wagenknecht, a prominent figure within the Left Party (Die Linke) and German politics, along with her associates, recently made a much-anticipated announcement by introducing the ‘Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance – For Reason and Justice’ (BSW).
The BSW, presently functioning as an association under the leadership of Amira Mohamed Ali, is expected to transition into a political party by January and participate in the upcoming European Parliament (EP) elections in June.
During a press conference held yesterday, Sahra Wagenknecht expressed her mission to provide a platform for those disenchanted with traditional political parties and feeling marginalized due to the harsh nationalism propagated by the AfD.
Wagenknecht emphasized that the AfD, while being viewed by some as a choice of protest and desperation, does not necessarily represent the right-wing ideology as a whole.
As one of Germany’s most recognizable personalities, Wagenknecht holds a substantial following among voters disillusioned with mainstream politics. According to a recent Insa poll, 27 percent of Germans indicated their willingness to vote for a party led by her. In a subsequent poll by the same organization, 12 percent of Germans expressed their support for Wagenknecht’s party.
Unity from ‘right’ to ‘left’
In a Financial Times (FT) assessment, the BSW was characterized as blending ‘traditional left-wing’ principles such as a wealth tax, substantial public investments in education, and opposition to NATO with elements of a ‘right-wing movement that rejects irregular migration’ – an issue currently at the forefront of German politics as refugee numbers rise.
Wagenknecht, in her press conference, highlighted the challenges facing Germany, including a shortage of 700,000 homes, a scarcity of teachers and kindergarten spaces, and asserted that mass immigration in such a situation is irresponsible.
Wagenknecht’s policy stances extend to opposing military aid to Ukraine and economic sanctions against Russia. Furthermore, she has consistently held a contrarian position during the COVID-19 pandemic, questioning the efficacy of vaccination, lockdowns, and mask mandates.
Wagenknecht and the stance against ‘lifestyle leftism’
In his book Die Selbsgerechten, which was published in 2021 and caused a great deal of controversy as soon as it was published, Wagenknecht argued that in order for the left to remain on the agenda, it had to change its position on immigration. Criticising Die Linke’s programme calling for ‘open borders’, Wagenknecht wrote that this was the reason why his party had lost support in the East, where it had once been the Volkspartei, a mass party.
In his book, Wagenknecht opposed what he called ‘identity politics’ and the ‘liberal left’, criticised those who belonged to this movement as ‘lifestyle leftists’ and proposed a ‘counter-programme for public spirit and social cohesion’.
“Identity politics means focusing on ever smaller and more bizarre minorities, each of which finds an identity in a strangeness that separates it from the majority of society and from which it derives its claim to victimhood,” the German politician wrote, adding that concepts such as “faith, nation and homeland” were considered “backward” by the left-liberal Left.
Wagenknecht’s criticism of his own party, Die Linke, was also in line with the theses in his book. Wagenknecht has repeatedly clashed with its leaders over what he claims is the party’s focus too much on ‘minority politics’ instead of ‘economic justice’.
Resistance to Brussels dominance
Wagenknecht, responding to a question from Euractiv, expressed her party’s plan to challenge the consolidation of power in Brussels during the 2024 EP elections. She advocates for a more decentralized decision-making process within the member states and criticizes the European Commission’s perceived closeness to corporate lobbyists.
“We don’t think more powers should be given to the European Commission. The European Commission is close to corporate lobbyists and far from citizens,” the German politician said, adding that he wants more decisions to be taken in the member states.
An ‘independent’ Europe amidst US-China tensions
Wagenknecht contends that Europe finds itself in a precarious position, potentially caught between the US and China if it doesn’t adopt a neutral foreign policy. As a result, she strongly opposes sanctions against Russia and calls for an immediate ceasefire in Ukraine. Wagenknecht also promises to work towards more affordable energy for Germany.
In this context, Wagenknecht pledges to protect small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) from the dominance of large corporations.
Critiques of Wagenknecht
Sahra Wagenknecht, representing the Left Party that evolved from the Party for Democratic Socialism (PDS), the successor to the former ruling party of East Germany, the Socialist Unity Party (SED), advocates for the interests of the working class.
However, Wagenknecht, who is said to be ‘a millionaire living in a villa’, has a PhD in economics and is criticised for spending most of her time in the Bundestag and on talk shows.
In the early 2000s, when the PDS had not yet become the Left Party, Wagenknecht was part of the party’s ‘communist platform’. Some argue that Wagenknecht was influenced by the anti-immigration views of Oskar Lafontaine, a former SPD member and one of the founders of the Left Party.
Wagenknecht’s evolution
In his 2012 book Freiheit statt Kapitalismus (Freedom instead of Capitalism), Wagenknecht, too, seems to have moved from a defence of socialist Germany to the ‘social market economy’ and ‘ordoliberalism’ that became popular in the 1960s. In this view, the state acquires explicitly interventionist capabilities to help free markets. This system, led by the CDU’s Konrad Adenauer and the CDU economist Ludwig Erhard, is often cited as the idea behind the ‘German miracle’ of the 50s and 60s.
It is understood that Wagenknecht wants to pursue an SPD-CDU hybrid course linked to the ‘Golden Age’ of capitalism. As a matter of fact, the trajectory of Wagenknecht’s books points to a transformation from a left-wing politician addressing the workers to a ‘populist’ in the very sense of the book, which describes the damage that the current form of capitalism does to ‘entrepreneurs’, ‘competition’ and ‘efficiency’.
At this point, it is not difficult to determine that the main audience of the Wagenknecht party will be the Mittelstand and SMEs, which are seen as the backbone of the German economy, rather than the workers.
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