Connect with us

EUROPE

Political scientist Ulrike Guérot: We need to think about a Europe beyond the EU

Published

on

As the European Parliament (EP) elections on 6-9 June approach, the debate on the political destiny of the continent is intensifying. The future of the EU is becoming uncertain, especially in light of the migration crisis, the war in Ukraine and the energy shock.

Prof. Dr. Ulrike Guérot, one of Germany’s leading experts on Europe and a political scientist who was forced to resign from her position at the University of Bonn because of her stance against the war in Ukraine, spoke at the roundtable entitled “Future Scenarios for Europe”, hosted by Harici and moderated by Prof. Dr. Hasan Ünal.

Beginning her speech with anecdotes about the EU and Turkey’s EU membership process, Guérot compared 20 years ago with today and asked what went wrong with the EU project.

Describing the excitement that the project that culminated in the Maastricht Treaty in the early 1990s generated both in himself and in Europe at the time, the political scientist argued that there was political energy and political conviction at the time, as well as a projection of Europe’s future ‘soft power’.

Guérot recalled that the security architecture for peace with Russia worked in the 1990s, that in the early 2000s German public sympathy for Russia approached that of the United States, and that Vladimir Putin even made a speech in the German Bundestag.

However, according to Guérot, concepts such as soft power and global governance began to lose their meaning with the invasion of Iraq in 2003. Referring to the ‘no’ vote in the 2005 French referendum on the EU Constitution, the political scientist said that the moment of ‘enlargement’ was missed with the process with Turkey, the EU became ‘neo-liberalised’, much less social, the ‘anti-Russian’ memories of the Eastern European countries that had recently joined the EU resurfaced, and finally the crisis of 2008 came.

Noting that the EU has lost its political will with this crisis and that the idea of a ‘social Europe’ has begun to die, Guérot said that the mainstream has turned to ‘austerity’ instead of increasing social spending in response to the crisis.

Pointing out that the crisis and the austerity response to the crisis are the main reasons for the rise of populism and the right in Europe, Guérot recalled Walter Benjamin’s words: “Behind every rising fascism there is a failed social revolution”.

The German political scientist pointed out that Europe ‘lacked the capacity for discourse’ in the aftermath of the crisis, and that the refugee crisis, on top of the refugee crisis, led to the rise of a new wave of populism, giving rise to parties such as the AfD in Germany and the FPÖ in Austria.

Guérot argued that young Europeans have no idea what Europe is about and that there is no longer a political-democratic project.

Guérot believes that the EP elections will not be enough to get out of the crisis and that the militarisation of the EU will continue, not only militarily but also in the form of the suppression of dissenting voices, for example through legislation such as the Digital Services Act.

The German political scientist stressed that the war in Ukraine is completely harmful and suicidal for Germany and the other European countries, and that Brussels is being hypocritical about Kiev’s accession to the EU and that the country cannot be admitted to the EU at the snap of a finger.

Guérot believes that there is no winner in Ukraine and that the West is selling illusions, that everyone knows this, but that the West is still being told that it cannot back down.

We need to think about Europe beyond the EU,” Guérot said, adding that questions such as “can the EU still be reformed? Or can it not?”, she said.

The political scientist, who advocates the ‘liberation’ of Europe, especially from its own institutions, said that she was not talking about an anti-American Europe, but a ‘post-Atlantic’ Europe, and that his solution was a ‘European republic’ in which borders would become irrelevant.

Arguing that peace and a federal structure were the only way for Europe not to ‘explode’, Guérot suggested that peace should be established regardless of national borders, that a European citizenship should be built beyond nationalities, and that a sovereignty of ‘citizenship’ should be established outside the EU institutions and nation states.

According to Guérot, Europe has three historical characteristics. 1) The history of Europe has always been a balance of power. I think a multipolar world would be very useful. 2) The republic has a special meaning for Europe. European history is linked to the theoretical and intellectual traditions of other empires, i.e. interconnectedness. The idea of society and republic is not compatible with the US or neo-liberalism, and 3) Europe is self-existent in a non-religious but transcendent way,’ she said.

EUROPE

U.S. sets up new ‘air defence base’ in Poland

Published

on

The United States inaugurated a new air defense base in northern Poland on Wednesday, marking a significant move in NATO’s defense strategy. Polish President Andrzej Duda stated that the base strengthens Poland’s security as a NATO member, especially as the war in Ukraine continues.

Located in Redzikowo, a town near the Baltic coast, the base has been in development since the early 2000s. Amid concerns following Donald Trump’s election, some NATO members are uneasy about future commitments. However, Polish officials emphasize that the consistent support of the base project across U.S. administrations underscores the enduring military alliance between Poland and the United States.

“The United States is the guarantor of Poland’s security,” Duda asserted, underscoring that the presence of U.S. troops highlights Poland’s sovereignty and reinforces that it is “not in Russia’s sphere of influence,” despite its historical ties as a socialist state until 1989.

On the other side, Kremlin officials described the base as an attempt to “contain Russia” by positioning American military infrastructure closer to Russian borders.

The Redzikowo base is a vital component of NATO’s Aegis Ashore missile defense shield, designed to intercept short- and medium-range ballistic missiles. Other key elements of this NATO defense shield include a base in Romania, U.S. Navy destroyers stationed at Rota, Spain, and an early warning radar located in Kürecik.

Russia has long viewed the base as a threat, initially opposing the project in 2007. NATO maintains that the shield is “purely defensive” and asserts that it’s not targeted at Russia.

According to military sources cited by Reuters, the Redzikowo system currently targets missiles from the Middle East. Redirecting the radar to intercept missiles from Russia would require a policy shift and complex procedural adjustments.

Polish Defense Minister Wladyslaw Kosiniak-Kamysz recently called for expanding the defense shield, stating that Warsaw would discuss further plans with NATO and the United States.

Continue Reading

EUROPE

German think tank DGAP: Germany and Europe must build military strength in the Asia-Pacific region

Published

on

Germany’s leading foreign policy journal, Internationale Politik, calls for significant rearmament and militarization efforts to strengthen European influence in the Asia-Pacific region.

According to Internationale Politik, published by the German Council on Foreign Relations (DGAP), European nations should rapidly expand their armed forces and take control not only of their own continent but also, “if necessary, the Mediterranean, the Red Sea, and the Strait of Bab el-Mandeb,” to “reduce reliance on U.S. troops in Europe.”

If successful, the journal argues, the United States would retain adequate military capacity “in the event of a war in the Indo-Pacific.” In such a scenario, European nations should also prepare for a potential conflict with China and enhance their defense industrial capacity to replenish depleted U.S. munitions if required.

The ‘Asianization’ of security architecture

Calls for a stronger German and European military presence in the Asia-Pacific are driven by the intensifying power struggle between the West and China and the increasing inclination of Asian nations to pursue independent military policies rather than aligning with declining Western dominance.

Felix Heiduk, director of the Asia Research Group at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP), describes this trend as the “Asianization” of regional security architecture.

Indonesia exemplifies this shift. Since 2007, Indonesia has conducted regular military exercises with the United States, the latest spanning August 26 to September 6, 2024. However, Jakarta has also expanded ties with Russia. During a recent meeting with President Vladimir Putin, Indonesia’s current president and former defense minister, Prabowo Subianto, expressed that he sees Russia as a “great friend” and intends to strengthen relations with Moscow.

Last week, Russia and Indonesia held their first joint military exercises, which Jakarta considers a demonstration of its independent foreign and military policy.

The ‘Indo-Pacific’ as a Japanese-American concept and Germany’s role

The concept of the Indo-Pacific frequently underpins arguments for expanding military activities into the Asia-Pacific. In Internationale Politik, Heiduk clarifies that this term is “neither geographically neutral nor value-neutral” but rather “purely political.”

Heiduk explains that the concept of a “Free and Open Indo-Pacific”, which the U.S. adopted from Japan, aims to encircle China and maintain U.S. hegemony in Asia. He further notes that Germany is also entangled in this geopolitical struggle.

Heiduk points to Germany’s Asia-Pacific military deployments in 2021 and 2024, along with maneuvers involving German air and ground forces in Australia and other countries in the region. These actions align with Berlin’s official Indo-Pacific Strategy—a conflict framework Germany has adopted in alignment with the U.S. in its great power struggle with China.

Europe’s Need to Rebuild Its Land Armies

Max Bergmann, an expert from the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, illustrates the pressure for greater militarization in the Asia-Pacific in a recent article for Internationale Politik.

Bergmann describes European nations as lacking “hard power,” noting that European armies have been underfunded for two decades and that rebuilding ground forces should be the priority. He argues that while Britain and France possess advanced weapons systems, including anti-submarine capabilities, their forces are “too thinly deployed.”

While Russia remains the immediate military priority for Europe, Bergmann sees a long-term role for European security in the Indo-Pacific.

Reducing the U.S. military rresence in Europe

The CSIS expert suggests six strategic steps Europe can take to reduce U.S. military presence.

The first step, according to Bergmann, is for Europe to focus on securing the continent, the Mediterranean, and, if needed, the Red Sea and Bab el-Mandeb. This would allow the U.S. to concentrate fully on the Indo-Pacific if war broke out in the region.

Bergmann notes that in such a conflict, the U.S. could dedicate its full military production capacity to support Indo-Pacific logistics, but only if Europe is militarily fortified.

Beyond the ‘third way’ for Europe

Bergmann proposes additional diplomatic and security roles for European states. He advocates strengthening relations with countries like Vietnam, which have limited ties with the U.S. However, he emphasizes that Europe should not pursue a “Gaullist third way” between the U.S. and China since European interests align closely with U.S. strategic interests.

Finally, Bergmann recommends that European states establish stronger military-political and arms-industrial partnerships within the Asia-Pacific and, ultimately, bolster their own military presence in the region. The most effective way to achieve this, he suggests, would be to organize a European naval mission under the EU flag to coordinate all European naval activities in the Asia-Pacific.

Continue Reading

EUROPE

Green light from CDU for debt brake reform

Published

on

Friedrich Merz, leader of Germany’s conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU), announced on Wednesday that the constitutional debt brake, which limits public deficits to 0.35% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP), could be open to reform under certain conditions.

Merz, the frontrunner to become Germany’s next chancellor after the collapse of the country’s “traffic light” coalition, has previously argued that Germany should adhere to the constitutionally guaranteed debt brake, a measure introduced by his party under Angela Merkel in 2009.

The debate over debt brake reform within the CDU was reignited this year by Berlin’s conservative mayor Kai Wegner. Several powerful CDU leaders from regional governments have also supported the reform push, as these states face more constraints than the federal government and lack the flexibility for new borrowing.

Merz: Revision possible if borrowing is for investment

Pressure is mounting within the party, with CDU state premiers urging Merz to include debt brake reform plans in the campaign for the early elections on 23 February.

Speaking at an event on Wednesday, Merz stated: “Of course, reform is possible. The question is: why? To what end? What would be the result of such a reform?”

Merz emphasized that he would not support reform aimed at increasing consumption or social policy spending. However, he suggested that if additional borrowing were used to increase investment, “then the answer could be different.”

According to the Greens, the only way out of the crisis is a revision of the debt brake

Merz noted that the debt brake was a “technical issue” and stated that he did not wish to engage in the discussion at that moment. Later, a source close to the CDU leader told Reuters that Merz had no immediate plans to reform the debt brake.

However, Bruno Hönel, a member of the Bundestag’s budget committee from the Greens, argued that if Merz assumed power, the debt brake would be reformed immediately, pointing out that the budget could not be financed without borrowing during such a crisis.

Hönel stated, “If you want to work with the budget in a forward-looking way, there is no other way than to reform the debt brake.” He also noted that 80 billion euros would be needed to meet NATO’s 2% defense spending target by 2028, nearly 30 billion euros more than the draft budget for 2025, which currently envisions defense spending of 53 billion euros.

Traffic light coalition collapses over debt brake debate

The debt brake was a key factor in the collapse of the coalition, leading to calls for early elections.

Christian Lindner, leader of the fiscally conservative Free Democrats (FDP), who was dismissed as finance minister last week by Social Democrat Chancellor Olaf Scholz, claimed that Scholz had pressured him to suspend the debt brake.

Suspending the debt brake in an emergency, citing special circumstances, is possible with a government majority. Germany reinstated the debt brake in 2024 after a four-year suspension to allow for extra spending on the COVID-19 pandemic and the energy crisis.

CDU’s sister party CSU opposes reform

However, reforming the debt brake requires a two-thirds majority in both the Bundestag and the Bundesrat.

The CDU premiers from the eastern states support the debt brake reform, while Markus Söder, the leader of Bavaria’s CSU, opposes it. Söder emphasized that “absurd extra spending” must be cut first.

Before discussing the debt brake, Söder argued that the fiscal equality of federal states must be addressed, referring to Germany’s income redistribution system.

The wealthy state of Bavaria recently had to transfer over €9 billion to other states. “This cannot go on,” Söder declared.

Continue Reading

MOST READ

Turkey