Europe
UniCredit nears majority voting control of Commerzbank, signaling major European banking consolidation
Italy’s UniCredit has secured just under half of the voting rights in Germany’s Commerzbank following a successful takeover bid, setting the stage for a major realignment of the European banking landscape.
According to a report by German Foreign Policy, the Italian lender is positioned to seize control of both the supervisory and management boards of Germany’s second-largest private bank at the annual general meeting of shareholders in 2027.
In this acquisition campaign, UniCredit has drawn support from an international network of financial institutions, including Japan’s Nomura, France’s BNP Paribas, and several US banks.
The development not only brings a near two-year power struggle between the major German and Italian lenders to a close, but also underscores the broader, ongoing consolidation within the European banking sector.
As UniCredit positions itself as a new European banking group, Germany increasingly finds itself on the defensive.
Commerzbank, a cornerstone of the Frankfurt financial center and a vital source of credit for Germany’s small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), is now transitioning to foreign control.
The conflict highlights the deep-seated tension between the integration of the European financial sector and the national interests of individual member states seeking to maintain control over their domestic economic hubs.
UniCredit secures majority voting stake
In early May, UniCredit launched a takeover bid that remained open until early July, offering 0.485 of its own shares for each share of Commerzbank.
Following the expiration of the offer period, UniCredit announced that it had acquired 17.6% of Commerzbank’s shares through the share exchange offer.
This transaction lifted its total holdings in the Frankfurt-based lender from 26.77% to 44.37%, effectively handing UniCredit victory in the two-year battle for control.
When factoring in an additional 3.22% stake that UniCredit holds through derivative instruments, its total shareholding reaches 47.59%.
Because the treasury shares held by Commerzbank do not carry voting rights, UniCredit’s stake translates to 49.65% of the total voting rights, according to the Italian bank’s own data.
In addition, UniCredit holds derivatives representing another 13% of Commerzbank shares, though these instruments do not currently carry voting rights.
At the next annual general meeting scheduled for the spring of 2027, eight of the ten shareholder representatives on the supervisory board will stand for re-election.
Leveraging its majority at the annual meeting, UniCredit will be in a position to decisively influence the allocation of these key seats.
Criticism of the bid and “market manipulation” claims
Since the transaction, allegations of market manipulation in connection with the takeover bid have been raised.
However, the Commerzbank General Works Council, which filed a formal complaint against unidentified individuals, suffered a legal defeat in its challenge.
Commerzbank’s management has also repeatedly criticized UniCredit’s disclosures and brought the matter to the attention of BaFin, Germany’s financial regulatory authority.
According to the regulator, a significant portion of the tendered shares belonged to banks and market participants closely linked to UniCredit.
Commerzbank contends that there is a lack of transparency regarding the volume of borrowed shares that were tendered and the specific hedging agreements that remain in force.
It is established that Nomura of Japan, Citigroup of the US, and BNP Paribas of France conducted swap transactions with UniCredit involving Commerzbank shares.
Alongside these institutions, UniCredit can also rely on other major financial firms, including Jefferies and Bank of America.
These partner banks provide UniCredit with potential access to an additional 13% of Commerzbank shares at a specified time.
German government faces potential removal from bank management
In mid-June, UniCredit threatened to replace Commerzbank’s supervisory and management boards.
To execute such a move, however, the major Italian bank would need to replace the two supervisory board members appointed by the German federal government.
The German government secured the right to appoint two representatives to the supervisory board following its state-funded bailout of Commerzbank.
UniCredit has now stated that, provided it receives “sufficient shareholder support” at the annual general meeting, it will be “in a position to elect all shareholder representatives to the supervisory board.”
If UniCredit successfully replaces Commerzbank’s supervisory and management boards at the 2027 annual meeting, it would represent a direct setback for the federal government.
The move would directly impact supervisory board members whose government-appointed terms run through 2029.
Commerzbank’s critical role in the German economy
For the Frankfurt financial center, these developments present a serious challenge.
Commerzbank is a foundational institution of the German financial sector, maintaining deep-seated ties with Germany’s small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs).
Should the bank be reduced to a branch of UniCredit, key lending decisions would be routed to Milan instead of being resolved in Frankfurt.
Consequently, the Frankfurt financial hub risks losing influence, decision-making authority, and economic sovereignty.
According to Commerzbank, the institution processes approximately 30% of Germany’s foreign trade. Many of the bank’s employees view this extensive reach as a key competitive advantage.
Commerzbank supports the international commercial activities of a vast number of mid-sized firms that frequently struggle to find suitable, dedicated points of contact within larger international banks.
The “consolidation” trend in the European banking system
While the takeover of Commerzbank has met with widespread resistance in German political circles, it has received strong backing from economists, particularly those from other EU member states.
Monika Schnitzer, head of the German Council of Economic Experts, believes there are sound economic reasons to analyze cross-border mergers rather than rejecting them reflexively.
In her view, the European financial market remains insufficiently integrated. She further argues that German banks are highly inefficient by international standards and are therefore ill-equipped to compete against major global institutions.
As early as 2024, European Central Bank (ECB) President Christine Lagarde of France stated that cross-border banking mergers are “desirable” to strengthen European banks in their competition with major US rivals.
Luis de Guindos, the Spanish Vice-President of the ECB, has similarly criticized the German government’s protectionist stance.
In a recent opinion piece published in the Handelsblatt newspaper, Omid Nouripour, Deputy President of the Bundestag (Alliance 90/The Greens), accused the federal government of inconsistency.
Nouripour argued that while the government champions a banking union at EU summits, it reacts to a concrete cross-border bank merger with a “reflex of a national ownership mentality.” He criticized the federal government for praising European integration only “as long as it remains abstract.”
EU Competition Commissioner Teresa Ribera also urged member states to support cross-border banking consolidations. “Member states should welcome such transactions for the public good,” Ribera said.
Signals of compromise from Berlin
The German federal government initially reacted with hostility to UniCredit’s successful takeover bid.
“From the federal government’s perspective, UniCredit’s aggressive and hostile approach remains unacceptable,” the Federal Ministry of Finance said in a statement.
At the same time, Berlin rejected the Italian bank’s takeover offer for its remaining Commerzbank shares.
Last week, Chancellor Friedrich Merz, speaking before parliament ahead of the summer recess, reiterated that the federal government had not accepted UniCredit’s offer and was retaining its shares, unlike a “significant portion” of other shareholders.
However, in the same address, Merz adopted a more conciliatory tone, assuring, “We are not blocking this merger.”
According to the Handelsblatt newspaper, the terms of the takeover are currently being negotiated within the federal government.
Among other stipulations, Berlin is demanding that Commerzbank remain a key lender for German small and medium-sized enterprises.
In addition, the federal government is demanding that Frankfurt, the historic headquarters of the financial institution, remain a major hub for the bank.
UniCredit’s German headquarters has been based in Munich since its 2005 acquisition of HypoVereinsbank.
Europe
CDU unrest raises doubts over Merz’s future as chancellor
Germany’s Chancellor Friedrich Merz is facing mounting unrest within his Christian Democratic Union (CDU), with party figures reportedly beginning to push for a change in leadership.
According to Der Spiegel, frustration is growing among influential party members who believe Merz has repeatedly failed to capitalize on political opportunities.
One senior party figure quoted by the magazine said: “The ball is sitting on the penalty spot, the opposing goalkeeper is nowhere in sight, yet Merz somehow manages to score an own goal.”
Der Spiegel added: “It appears there is little hope left within the CDU that Merz can climb out of the hole he has dug for himself.”
After speaking with the chancellor’s allies and figures from the CDU leadership circle, the magazine said the interviews painted the picture of a party that has lost confidence in Merz.
“This is unprecedented in post-war German history. When CDU Chancellor Ludwig Erhard was removed by his own party in 1966, the process unfolded slowly and gradually over several months. In Merz’s case, however, it has been possible to watch his authority collapse within just a few days. And the person dragging him down is not his party colleagues, but himself.”
The CDU has already been on edge after trailing the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in opinion polls for months. The situation has now been compounded by what Der Spiegel described as the “Merz fiasco”.
According to the magazine, even within the CDU’s highest leadership circles, almost no one would now bet that the chancellor will remain in office until Christmas.
According to Politico, public criticism of Merz has come primarily from figures who were removed from government during the cabinet reshuffle.
The leadership issue, however, has not yet been raised openly because of the summer recess.
Elections are due in three eastern German states: Saxony-Anhalt, Berlin and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. Polling points to a disastrous outcome for the CDU.
One prominent Christian Democrat wrote: “Things I once thought unimaginable are happening. Merz is in a tunnel; he can no longer reach the party. Everything is over.”
The same CDU figure believes Merz will either have to throw in the towel or be forced to resign by 21 September at the latest.
That date refers to the Monday following the twin elections in Berlin and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania.
The collapse in confidence surrounding Merz has followed this chronology. On Saturday, 18 July, parliamentary group leader Jens Spahn resigned.
Just three days earlier, Spahn had announced through the Bild newspaper that he and his husband had welcomed a son born through a surrogate mother in the US.
For Merz, this presented a completely unexpected opportunity. He had never trusted Spahn but had hoped he could keep him under control after becoming chancellor.
In recent months, however, the parliamentary group leader had become one of the coalition’s central figures by taking advantage of what the article describes as Merz’s weak leadership.
Nothing moved without him. Spahn had effectively become the CDU’s second most powerful figure.
The chancellor was unhappy with that situation, but Spahn’s resignation suddenly removed the problem on its own. Merz had already been planning a cabinet reshuffle for the autumn.
The chancellor is also reported to have been dissatisfied with several cabinet members and, according to the article, to have displayed a certain “arrogance” in meetings with subordinates.
For example, during an executive board meeting in Rhineland-Palatinate, a letter became public stating that the CDU parliamentary group in the state legislature had cancelled its meeting with Merz because “the minimum level of mutual trust and respect” no longer existed. According to the article, such an insult had never occurred before.
Participants at last week’s Presidium and Executive Committee meetings all noticed the tense atmosphere.
Some believe the CDU leader has “buried himself deep inside his own tunnel” and “is no longer even aware of how serious his situation has become”.
According to later accounts from the group, Rhineland-Palatinate Minister-President Gordon Schnieder even accused the chancellor of lacking professionalism.
What happens next? According to Der Spiegel, the party leadership is avoiding that question. No scenarios are being discussed, even in small groups.
“They do not want to invite disaster. Especially now, when everyone is looking forward to the summer break. Right now, nobody needs a change of chancellor. But nobody believes Merz still has a future as head of government.”
After the elections in eastern Germany, some argue that Merz should be forced to resign.
According to the report, if three experienced state premiers were to advise the chancellor to step down for the good of both the country and the party, Merz would almost certainly comply, or at least that is what his team believes. Even so, they are not entirely certain.
Following such a resignation, North Rhine-Westphalia Minister-President Hendrik Wust is expected to step in. He is the only figure mentioned as a potential successor to Merz.
CSU leader Markus Soeder is reportedly considered unacceptable to the CDU, while the idea that CSU Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt could become chancellor is described as absurd. As a result, the task would fall to Wust.
Europe
Germany lays groundwork for civilian alternative as conscription looms
In Germany, the Ministry for Family Affairs has already begun working on the revitalization of alternative civilian service, which serves as a constitutionally mandated prerequisite for the reintroduction of compulsory military service.
The federal government is taking measures to implement a new civilian service system in the event that mandatory military service is restored.
The Federal Ministry for Family Affairs confirmed that over recent months it surveyed 23 major associations and organizations regarding the types of opportunities they could offer to conscientious objectors should compulsory military service be reinstated.
A ministry spokesperson stated: “22 out of the 23 associations indicated that, in the event that the military obligation is reactivated, their infrastructure and placements are in principle ready, and they could offer a wide variety of opportunities to those performing civilian service in lieu of military service.”
Thorsten Frei, parliamentary secretary of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU) faction in the Bundestag, considers taking precautions against the potential entry into force of a new civilian service to be “very sensible and correct.”
Speaking to the channels RTL and ntv, the CDU politician noted that there is currently no new development in the discussions regarding a return to military service.
However, Frei emphasized: “We can never rule out that decisions may need to be taken quickly to prepare for all contingencies. In that case, the resulting consequences must also be clear.”
Criticism regarding the potential reintroduction of compulsory civilian service has emerged from the opposition.
Ines Schwerdtner, co-leader of The Left party, stressed that “the state should not dictate to young people how they ought to spend a year of their lives.” This principle, she asserted, applies as much to compulsory civilian service as it does to compulsory military service.
According to Schwerdtner, young people should not be used “to fill the gaps in a welfare state that the federal government has spent years ruining through austerity policies.”
In statements to the Funke Media Group, the party chair emphasized that there is no need for “state-mandated cheap labor” in care services, emergency rescue services, or social institutions.
Martin Hagen, Secretary General of the Free Democratic Party (FDP), views the preparations by the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs as an admission of failure by the CDU-SPD coalition government.
Pointing out that plans for a new civilian service are already being drawn up, Hagen stated that this demonstrates the coalition government has “zero confidence in its efforts to reach the target personnel numbers for the Bundeswehr through voluntary enlistment.”
Hagen criticized the CDU/CSU and SPD for failing to “make the Bundeswehr an attractive employer and to inspire young people toward military service.”
The Social Association of Germany (SoVD) also expressed concern, presenting arguments similar to those of Left Party leader Schwerdtner.
Michaela Engelmeier, Chairwoman of the SoVD Executive Board, stated that compulsory civilian service would represent a major intervention by the state in the freedom and life plans of young people.
She likewise warned that a new civilian service could be abused to obtain cheap labor and to substitute for regular employment. Instead of focusing on a new civilian service, she argued that the federal government ought to strengthen voluntary work.
According to junge Welt (jW), the German media is applauding this step, with some outlets now demanding further forms of compulsory service not merely for youth, but for everyone.
As the newspaper Neue Ruhr Zeitung (NRZ) acknowledged, the government’s plans imply that “the implementation of general conscription is drawing near.”
It is argued that these compulsory services are necessary “due to the threat originating from Russia and NATO’s shifting objectives.”
The newspaper Die Rheinpfalz expressed regret that the “voluntary community service year” is “unfortunately being overlooked” in the current debate, while echoing the German government’s rationale:
“Ever since the hope for everlasting peace in Europe was shattered by Russia’s brutal attack on Ukraine, Germany once again requires more soldiers.”
Arguing that this idea is “more logical today than ever,” the newspaper continued:
“Everyone devotes a few months to society between school, vocational training, and university. Naturally, it remains up to each individual to decide whether that time is spent in the military, or in a hospital, a care home, or a fire station.”
Even within Redaktionsnetzwerk Deutschland (RND), the prevailing view is that rather than merely debating a new civilian service program for conscientious objectors, a “fundamental and comprehensive debate regarding a period of social service or a general mandatory service year” should be initiated.
The deputy head of RND’s Berlin bureau states that compulsory service requires “public acceptance.” The “enormous potential of a universal mandatory service year” and the “certainty of personally contributing to the country’s security and stability” are highlighted as significant justifications driving Germany toward a new mandatory conscription turning point.
RND writes that women as well as men, and older adults alongside young people, would be included in this framework, adding that people could finally “do something for the state—and consequently for themselves.”
Compulsory military service was suspended in July 2011, which in practice meant the abolition of both military and civilian service. Civilian service was replaced by the Federal Voluntary Service.
At the beginning of this year, a new military service framework came into effect. The foundation of this arrangement relies on a mandatory health examination for young men born in 2008 and later. Through this mechanism, the aim is to recruit volunteers to strengthen the armed forces.
Should target capacity ranges fail to be met, the Bundestag may enact a decision on “need-based mandatory conscription.”
Europe
European carmakers turn to Chinese rivals to salvage struggling plants
European carmakers, struggling with severe headwinds and halted assembly lines across numerous plants, are turning to Chinese rivals to salvage their operations.
A report by the Financial Times outlines the perilous situation facing factories across the continent, particularly in Italy.
The sprawling Fiat automobile plant in Cassino, located 130 km southeast of Rome and once an engine of the local economy, has taken on a desolate, near-abandoned atmosphere.
The facility’s 2,200 employees are summoned to work only a few days a month. In the first half of 2026, the plant produced just 6,700 cars, representing a minuscule fraction of its annual capacity of 300,000 units.
Denise Tisci, a 40-year-old mother of three who has worked at the plant since 2007, has not worked a shift since May and relies on a government temporary lay-off scheme alongside her colleagues.
“We have cut back on many things, even basic, simple things like taking the children out for a pizza,” Tisci said. “Having to look our children in the face is deeply humiliating.”
Fiat workers expect Stellantis, the automaker’s parent company, to seek a Chinese solution for the Cassino plant, mirroring its recent agreements in Spain and France with Leapmotor and Dongfeng.
This situation is not unique to Fiat, as a growing number of European carmakers turn to Chinese competitors to resolve issues caused in part by their rapid expansion into the region.
Emanuele Cappellano, head of European operations at Stellantis, told the Financial Times regarding the company’s recent partnerships in China:
“This is not just a way to survive and catch up with our new rivals, but also an opportunity to boost sales volume and achieve growth in Europe.”
A total closure of the group’s Italian factories has been ruled out, and Cappellano noted that a solution for Cassino will be found by the end of the year.
As the company seeks a partner to revitalize its struggling Maserati brand, a likely scenario involves collaborating with a Chinese group with which it already maintains ties.
This could involve either its electric vehicle (EV) joint-venture partner Leapmotor or state-owned Dongfeng.
“Any partner that moves its production to these factories is not a problem for us. The crisis in the automotive sector is impacting the entire economy,” said Enzo Salera, Mayor of Cassino, adding that local retailers and restaurants have also been severely affected.
European automotive production accounts for approximately 7% of the continent’s GDP and provides employment to roughly 14 million people.
With regional car sales remaining roughly 3 million units below pre-pandemic levels and Chinese rivals capturing market share, other companies have begun adopting new strategies to survive.
Nissan is collaborating with Chery in the UK, Volkswagen continues discussions with Xpeng, and Ford has signed an agreement with Geely in Spain.
Jim Baumbick, head of Ford in Europe, remarked last week while announcing the collaboration with Geely: “The environment in Europe has changed forever. The objective is to achieve the lowest possible cost.”
According to AlixPartners, plant utilization rates in the European automotive sector are running below 60%, leaving a total production capacity of approximately 2.5 million vehicles potentially idle.
Stellantis is doubling down on a strategy that some industry executives view as a short-term fix, but one that could prove self-destructive if local supply chains and technological know-how are not reinforced.
Stellantis has invited Leapmotor and Dongfeng to manufacture models at its facilities in Spain and France.
The Dongfeng agreement was broadly welcomed by French workers because it could help save a 1960s-era plant in Rennes, Brittany.
Like many other Stellantis plants in the country, the Rennes facility had been reduced to a single assembly line, with surrounding land sold off.
Laurent Oechsel, a representative of the French CFE-CGC union at Stellantis, asked: “Right now, Chinese-made cars are sitting in our ports. Do we want to keep fighting against this as the textile sector once did, or do we want to continue producing cars in France alongside the Chinese?”
The challenge for European policymakers, carmakers, and trade unions is to ensure that manufacturing partnerships preserve employment while bolstering the region’s supply chains with Chinese technology.
Currently, many Chinese vehicles marketed as being produced in Europe are equipped primarily with parts manufactured in China and shipped to the EU for final assembly.
Adolfo Urso, Italy’s Minister of Industry, told the Financial Times:
“If the objective is to establish a technological industrial partnership that can fill the factory, keep it viable, and help protect the supply chain, that is welcome. Provided, of course, that people come to Italy to produce, not merely to assemble.”
While partnerships are common among carmakers, European manufacturers hope to learn how to produce cars faster and more cheaply through Chinese alliances.
In return, Chinese brands want to scale up European manufacturing ahead of strict new local content rules that Brussels plans to enforce in mid-2027, aimed at driving investment into the continent, creating new jobs, and enabling technology and skills transfers.
Under the Industrial Accelerator Act, the EU proposes a 70% local content threshold for car parts to qualify for subsidies or public procurement. Local battery production is also expected to commence in the future.
Major uncertainties remain regarding the extent to which Chinese companies will transfer technological know-how and intellectual property rights, as well as how quickly they will begin utilizing European-sourced components.
In Spain, where the government successfully persuaded Chinese companies such as battery maker CATL, Chery, and SAIC (owner of MG) to set up factories, no guarantees have yet been secured regarding technology transfers or the proportion of local labor and components to be used.
Deep concern prevails across the automotive supply chain, where component manufacturers employ twice as many workers as carmakers.
“Those of us working in the supply chain could be at risk,” said Marco Leone, 62, an employee at a firm manufacturing sheet metal fenders for the Cassino plant.
Similar concerns surround Nissan’s agreement to share production at its Sunderland plant with Chery starting next year.
Sources familiar with the discussions stated that three models would be produced for the Chinese group, which also owns the Jaecoo and Omoda brands.
Ian Henry, an automotive manufacturing expert who leads the consultancy AutoAnalysis, warned: “Suppose that in the first year, the cars are essentially produced from kits originating in China. That is great for workers on the assembly line, but not necessarily as beneficial for employees in Nissan’s press shop, body shop, and paint shop, or for local tier-one suppliers.”
Henry added that Chery would need to rapidly increase its localization rate to export to the EU, but the timeline remains uncertain, and discussions continue over whether UK-produced cars will be included within the “Made in Europe” framework.
A source close to the talks noted that the higher cost of utilizing UK suppliers also presents an obstacle.
Chinese automotive executives stress their commitment to using local supply chains, while acknowledging that the transition will not occur overnight.
Charlie Zhang, executive vice president of Chery International, told the Financial Times:
“Localization is a gradual process; it is measured not by the calendar, but by the maturity of supply chains, cost structures, and our readiness to become part of the local industrial ecosystem.”
Analysts argue that sluggish demand in China and the pressure to boost exports represent the primary obstacles to localization in Europe.
With the government pressing manufacturers to utilize idle capacity, China’s global exports are projected to rise by 41% this year, exceeding 10 million units.
Thomas Besson, head of automotive research at Kepler Cheuvreux, noted: “Because domestic demand in China has fallen well short of expectations, the pressure on Chinese automakers to export is far greater. Despite frequently expressing their intentions, Chinese carmakers have not yet begun producing significant volumes of vehicles in Europe.”
The “Made in Europe” proposals will further drive up car manufacturing costs in Europe, potentially forcing some Chinese producers with smaller sales volumes to forgo European subsidies and continue exporting in the near term.
A senior executive at a Chinese carmaker stated: “If it becomes financially too expensive, we will pay the tariff and continue shipping cars [from China].”
For certain Chinese carmakers like BYD, joint ventures make little strategic sense.
Stella Li, top executive for international operations at BYD, described a joint venture as “impossible,” stating: “I think it is better to manage on our own. Asking for permission is very difficult. We make our decisions in five minutes.”
BYD plans to commence mass production of its vehicles in Hungary by the end of this year. However, the “Made in Europe” proposal has prompted the company to seek a second site in Spain or France before completing its factory in Türkiye as previously announced.
Not all European carmakers are pursuing Chinese partnerships. Some analysts argue that companies operating independently can react faster to market shifts, with no guarantee that Chinese partners will succeed in Europe.
“I believe companies that remain independent retain far greater control,” said JPMorgan analyst Jose Asumendi.
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