In Germany, the Ministry for Family Affairs has already begun working on the revitalization of alternative civilian service, which serves as a constitutionally mandated prerequisite for the reintroduction of compulsory military service.

The federal government is taking measures to implement a new civilian service system in the event that mandatory military service is restored.

The Federal Ministry for Family Affairs confirmed that over recent months it surveyed 23 major associations and organizations regarding the types of opportunities they could offer to conscientious objectors should compulsory military service be reinstated.

A ministry spokesperson stated: “22 out of the 23 associations indicated that, in the event that the military obligation is reactivated, their infrastructure and placements are in principle ready, and they could offer a wide variety of opportunities to those performing civilian service in lieu of military service.”

Thorsten Frei, parliamentary secretary of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU) faction in the Bundestag, considers taking precautions against the potential entry into force of a new civilian service to be “very sensible and correct.”

Speaking to the channels RTL and ntv, the CDU politician noted that there is currently no new development in the discussions regarding a return to military service.

However, Frei emphasized: “We can never rule out that decisions may need to be taken quickly to prepare for all contingencies. In that case, the resulting consequences must also be clear.”

Criticism regarding the potential reintroduction of compulsory civilian service has emerged from the opposition.

Ines Schwerdtner, co-leader of The Left party, stressed that “the state should not dictate to young people how they ought to spend a year of their lives.” This principle, she asserted, applies as much to compulsory civilian service as it does to compulsory military service.

According to Schwerdtner, young people should not be used “to fill the gaps in a welfare state that the federal government has spent years ruining through austerity policies.”

In statements to the Funke Media Group, the party chair emphasized that there is no need for “state-mandated cheap labor” in care services, emergency rescue services, or social institutions.

Martin Hagen, Secretary General of the Free Democratic Party (FDP), views the preparations by the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs as an admission of failure by the CDU-SPD coalition government.

Pointing out that plans for a new civilian service are already being drawn up, Hagen stated that this demonstrates the coalition government has “zero confidence in its efforts to reach the target personnel numbers for the Bundeswehr through voluntary enlistment.”

Hagen criticized the CDU/CSU and SPD for failing to “make the Bundeswehr an attractive employer and to inspire young people toward military service.”

The Social Association of Germany (SoVD) also expressed concern, presenting arguments similar to those of Left Party leader Schwerdtner.

Michaela Engelmeier, Chairwoman of the SoVD Executive Board, stated that compulsory civilian service would represent a major intervention by the state in the freedom and life plans of young people.

She likewise warned that a new civilian service could be abused to obtain cheap labor and to substitute for regular employment. Instead of focusing on a new civilian service, she argued that the federal government ought to strengthen voluntary work.

According to junge Welt (jW), the German media is applauding this step, with some outlets now demanding further forms of compulsory service not merely for youth, but for everyone.

As the newspaper Neue Ruhr Zeitung (NRZ) acknowledged, the government’s plans imply that “the implementation of general conscription is drawing near.”

It is argued that these compulsory services are necessary “due to the threat originating from Russia and NATO’s shifting objectives.”

The newspaper Die Rheinpfalz expressed regret that the “voluntary community service year” is “unfortunately being overlooked” in the current debate, while echoing the German government’s rationale:

“Ever since the hope for everlasting peace in Europe was shattered by Russia’s brutal attack on Ukraine, Germany once again requires more soldiers.”

Arguing that this idea is “more logical today than ever,” the newspaper continued:

“Everyone devotes a few months to society between school, vocational training, and university. Naturally, it remains up to each individual to decide whether that time is spent in the military, or in a hospital, a care home, or a fire station.”

Even within Redaktionsnetzwerk Deutschland (RND), the prevailing view is that rather than merely debating a new civilian service program for conscientious objectors, a “fundamental and comprehensive debate regarding a period of social service or a general mandatory service year” should be initiated.

The deputy head of RND’s Berlin bureau states that compulsory service requires “public acceptance.” The “enormous potential of a universal mandatory service year” and the “certainty of personally contributing to the country’s security and stability” are highlighted as significant justifications driving Germany toward a new mandatory conscription turning point.

RND writes that women as well as men, and older adults alongside young people, would be included in this framework, adding that people could finally “do something for the state—and consequently for themselves.”

Compulsory military service was suspended in July 2011, which in practice meant the abolition of both military and civilian service. Civilian service was replaced by the Federal Voluntary Service.

At the beginning of this year, a new military service framework came into effect. The foundation of this arrangement relies on a mandatory health examination for young men born in 2008 and later. Through this mechanism, the aim is to recruit volunteers to strengthen the armed forces.

Should target capacity ranges fail to be met, the Bundestag may enact a decision on “need-based mandatory conscription.”

Palantir, which holds contracts with multiple European governments, has paid relatively little tax in Europe, according to a new report.

Researchers from the Centre for International Corporate Tax Accountability and Research (CICTAR), a non-profit organisation, and the European Public Service Union (EPSU), a trade union federation, found that Palantir reduced its tax liability in the region by shifting a portion of its revenues abroad.

Co-founded by Peter Thiel, the software company has drawn controversy for years over the surveillance capabilities of its technology, which critics contend raise privacy concerns.

The clients Palantir chooses to work with — including the military, law enforcement, and immigration services — have also fuelled this debate.

Palantir has secured significant success selling data analytics services to governments across Europe, most notably in the UK, France, Germany, Sweden, Spain, and Italy.

Securing major government contracts has boosted the company’s regional revenues. However, according to the CICTAR and EPSU report, Palantir employs tax strategies that facilitate what is known as base erosion, allowing the firm to lower the amount of tax it pays in Europe.

According to the report, the company achieves this by paying service fees to its US subsidiaries and introducing deductible expenses that diminish its taxable profits in Europe.

Consequently, while the effective tax rates applied to Palantir’s European operations appear high, the company manages to report low pre-tax profits.

Meanwhile, tax rates in the US remain significantly lower than those in Europe.

This practice extends to Palantir’s operations in the UK, which sits outside the EU.

None of the practices detailed in the report are illegal, and many large multinational corporations structure their operations in this manner to reduce their tax liabilities.

However, CICTAR and EPSU argue that base erosion is particularly problematic in Palantir’s case, emphasizing that while the company receives payments from governments for delivering services, it minimizes its contribution to the taxes that fund those very services.

Jan Willem Goudriaan, General Secretary of EPSU, said in a statement:

“Governments contract with Palantir to strengthen national security; but Palantir, by avoiding taxes, undermines public services, including national economic security.”

Although Palantir is deeply integrated into regional public service delivery, European alternatives such as France’s Chapsvision are gaining increasing traction.

Germany’s domestic intelligence agency announced that it will switch from Palantir to Chapsvision. In June, the French intelligence agency also announced that it would begin working with the domestic company.

The Federation of German Security and Defence Industries (BDSV) represented 602 companies as of July, marking a 50% increase compared with November 2025.

According to figures obtained by Euractiv, this figure corresponds to a nearly sixfold increase compared with 2021, prior to the outbreak of the war in Ukraine.

At that time, the Federation had only 111 registered members.

One third of the members are registered in Bavaria. A strong industrial cluster has also been established in North Rhine-Westphalia, whilst Berlin is rapidly closing the gap in this field.

The German government aims to allocate 3.5% of its GDP to defence by 2029.

Germany’s defence expenditure is expected to reach approximately 140 billion euros in 2027. No other European country comes close to this figure.

As a result, the defence sector in Germany is benefiting from these developments and expanding rapidly.

The country’s target of building Europe’s most powerful army, alongside its efforts to restructure the defence sector by setting aside more than 500 billion euros for defence investments over the next few years, is already reflected in the industry’s profits.

Four German companies are included in the top 100 global arms companies index produced by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI).

According to the institute, the combined defence revenues of these companies increased by 36% to reach approximately 13 billion euros.

However, these major players do not constitute the majority of the sector represented by the BDSV.

Instead, new defence startups and manufacturers exploring the dual-use aspect of the sector account for the majority of new members.