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How will Trump’s potential tariffs affect Southeast Asia?

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Southeast Asia is worried about Donald Trump’s threat of universal tariffs and a new trade war with China. Five of the region’s six largest economies run a trade surplus with the United States.

But experts say the situation may not be so bad. The region, which tries to remain geopolitically neutral, saw an increase in gross trade with both China and the U.S. between 2017 and 2020 during Trump’s first presidency. Vietnam, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand have benefited as companies from China, Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and the U.S. have expanded their production bases in Southeast Asia to avoid U.S. tariffs.

Experts say exports and economic growth will take a hit in the short term, but the region could benefit from trade diversion and substitution.

What is Trump’s tariff threat?

The goal of Trump’s trade policy is to bring manufacturing jobs back to the U.S. and decouple supply chains from China. Trump and his advisers claim that China’s trade advantage is due to “currency manipulation, intellectual property theft and forced technology transfer”.

During his first term, Trump used executive powers to impose tariffs of up to 25% on $250bn of electronics, machinery and consumer goods imported from China. Beijing retaliated with similar measures on U.S. agricultural, automotive and technology exports.

Now Trump has proposed a 60 per cent tariff on all Chinese goods entering the U.S. and tariffs of up to 20 per cent on imports from everywhere else.

How bad could it be for Southeast Asia?

According to Oxford Economics, about 40 per cent of Cambodia’s exports go to the U.S., making it the largest exporter in Asean as a percentage of total exports, followed by Vietnam with 27.4 per cent and Thailand with 17 per cent. Thanavath Phonvichai, president of the University of the Thai Chamber of Commerce, said the Thai economy could take a 160.5 billion baht ($4.6 billion) hit if Trump fulfils his promises.

Vietnam has the world’s fourth-largest trade surplus with the United States. This imbalance has been growing rapidly as Chinese, Taiwanese and South Korean companies have used Vietnam to avoid Trump-era tariffs. Vietnam’s fortunes could change just as quickly, especially if the U.S. continues to classify Vietnam as a ‘non-market economy’, which requires higher tariffs.

Uncertainty over Trump’s tariffs could cause companies to pause or halt investment plans in Southeast Asia. U.S. companies accounted for about half of Singapore’s $9.5 billion in fixed-asset investment last year, according to the city-state’s Economic Development Board. In his congratulatory letter to Trump, Prime Minister Lawrence Wong was quick to remind him that the United States enjoys a “consistent trade surplus” with Singapore.

Any blow to the Chinese economy will have repercussions for Asean countries that depend on Chinese consumption, export demand and tourism. A reduced appetite for Chinese goods will also affect Southeast Asian suppliers of inputs to Chinese producers. Indonesia, Southeast Asia’s largest economy, will suffer the most because it exports 24.2 per cent of its goods to China, mainly commodities.

Unable to send their goods to the U.S., Chinese exporters may turn to Southeast Asia, where governments have faced complaints from local producers hurt by dumping in metals, textiles, and consumer goods.

What is Southeast Asia’s advantage?

Southeast Asia’s current manufacturing boom started because of the trade war. Over time, analysts expect trade substitution and diversion to outweigh the hit to growth.

“We think a stronger crackdown on China could lead to more supply chain diversion as Chinese companies trade and invest more in Asia,” said Jayden Vantarakis, head of ASEAN research at Macquarie Capital.

“Electric vehicle factories, which some Southeast Asian governments are aggressively pursuing, could provide an economic buffer. Demand for EVs is also growing outside the U.S., so I think there could be a net benefit for Indonesia. Smaller countries that are trying to be carbon neutral, especially as petrol prices get more expensive, will try to take over the supply and buy more electric cars,” said Sumit Agarwal, a professor at the National University of Singapore’s School of Business.

Trump’s promised tariffs could embolden Asean governments to impose anti-dumping duties on Chinese goods, as Thailand did on rolled steel this year. Stricter U.S. rules of origin could also give governments an opportunity to ensure that more high-value parts are produced and assembled locally.

How will Southeast Asian currencies and markets be affected?

Trump’s tariffs could reduce pressure on Southeast Asian central banks to ease monetary policy further.

“Essentially, Trump’s victory is inflationary for the world because of his planned tariffs, so the global monetary normalization or easing cycle will probably not be as sharp as previously thought, including in the Philippines,” said Miguel Chanco, chief emerging Asia economist at UK-based Pantheon Macroeconomics.

Speaking to Nikkei Asia, Chanco said Southeast Asian currencies will not strengthen as much as previously expected, partly because markets are re-pricing the pace of easing by the U.S. Federal Reserve and thus the dollar will continue to strengthen.

Among Southeast Asia’s six major economies, the Thai baht and Malaysian ringgit have been the worst-performing currencies since Trump’s victory, losing 3.2 per cent and 2.9 per cent respectively against the U.S. dollar through Wednesday.

Thai brokerage InnovestX recommended stocks that would benefit from a strong dollar and weak baht. These include companies with significant export earnings, such as CP Foods and Delta Electronics, or tourism-related companies such as Airports of Thailand, property developers and hoteliers.

Governments are already taking steps to reduce their over-dependence on the U.S. or China by deepening ties with other countries and regions and emphasizing their neutrality.

Southeast Asian economies in particular are also expected to focus on building resilience by strengthening intra-ASEAN trade.

ASIA

India shelves $23 billion plan to rival China’s factories

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According to four government officials, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has decided to suspend a $23 billion program aimed at boosting domestic manufacturing, just four years after launching an effort to lure companies away from China with US support.

Two of the officials, speaking to Reuters, said that the program would not be expanded beyond the 14 pilot sectors, and production timelines would not be extended, despite requests from some participating firms.

According to public records, approximately 750 companies, including Apple supplier Foxconn and Indian conglomerate Reliance Industries, enrolled in the Production Linked Incentive (PLI) scheme.

These firms were promised cash payments if they met individual production targets and deadlines. The goal was to increase manufacturing’s share of the economy to 25% by 2025.

However, according to government documents and correspondence reviewed by Reuters, many firms participating in the program failed to begin production, while others that met production targets found that India was slow to pay the subsidies.

According to an undated analysis of the program compiled by the trade ministry, as of October 2024, participating firms had produced $151.93 billion worth of goods under the program, or 37% of Delhi’s target. The document stated that India had disbursed only $1.73 billion in incentives, less than 8% of the allocated funds.

Reuters was the first to report the news of the government’s decision not to extend the plan and the details regarding the delays in payments.

Modi’s office and the trade ministry, which oversees the program, did not respond to requests for comment. Since the plan was implemented, the manufacturing industry’s share of the economy has decreased from 15.4% to 14.3%.

Foxconn and Reliance, which currently employ thousands of contract workers in India, did not return requests for comment.

Two government officials told Reuters that the termination of the program does not mean that Delhi has abandoned its manufacturing goals, and that alternatives are being planned.

The government had defended the program last year, particularly highlighting its impact on boosting pharmaceutical and mobile phone production. Approximately $620 million, or 94%, of the incentives paid between April and October 2024 were directed to these two sectors.

According to the analysis, some food sector companies that applied for subsidies were not granted incentives due to factors such as “non-compliance with investment thresholds” and the companies’ “failure to achieve the projected minimum growth.” While the document did not provide details, it noted that production in the sector had exceeded targets.

One Indian official, speaking to Reuters on condition of anonymity, said that excessive bureaucracy and bureaucratic caution continue to hinder the program’s effectiveness.

Another official said that India is considering supporting specific sectors by partially reimbursing investments made to establish facilities, allowing firms to recover their costs more quickly rather than waiting for production and sales.

Biswajit Dhar, a trade expert at the Council for Social Development, a Delhi-based think tank, said that the country may have missed an opportunity.

Dhar emphasized that the incentive program was “probably the last chance we had to revitalize our manufacturing sector.” He questioned, “If this kind of mega program fails, do you have any expectation that anything will succeed?”

The halt in production coincides with a period when India was trying to navigate the trade war initiated by US President Donald Trump, who criticized Delhi’s protectionist policies.

Dhar said that Trump’s threat of reciprocal tariffs on countries with trade surpluses with the US, such as India, meant that the export sector was becoming increasingly strained. “There was some tariff protection… and all of that will be cut.”

The program was initially launched with US support during a period when China, which has been the world’s factory base for decades, was struggling to maintain production due to its zero-COVID policy.

As the US seeks to reduce its economic dependence on an increasingly assertive Beijing, it has pushed many multinational companies to diversify their production lines and supply chains.

With its large young population, low costs, and a government considered relatively friendly to the West, India seemed poised to benefit from this situation.

In recent years, India has become a global leader in pharmaceutical and mobile phone production.

According to government data, the country produced $49 billion worth of mobile phones in the 2023-24 fiscal year, a 63% increase compared to 2020-21. Industry leaders like Apple, which started with low-cost models, now aim to produce their latest and most sophisticated mobile phones in India as well.

Similarly, pharmaceutical exports nearly doubled in the 2023-24 period compared to a decade earlier, reaching $27.85 billion.

However, this success has not been replicated in other sectors, including steel, textiles, and solar panel production. In many of these areas, India faces fierce competition from rivals like China. According to experts, India currently lacks sufficient systemic and technical infrastructure and trained manpower to carry out this production, and this process may take decades.

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US-Taliban re-engagement on multiple fronts, sending message of prolonged battling in the region

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Beside hidden US and the Afghanistan Taliban engagement in Doha from the last two years, the first ever direct encounter of a high powered US team with Taliban officials in Kabul seems to be initiatives of another round of politico-strategical battling going on in the region since early 70’s. 

The new multiple faced US-Afghan relationships might have bothered Islamabad political and military establishment towards new engagement in Kabul but the outcomes or purposes might be against its ambitions, which is forcing Taliban to toe its lines on both internal and external issues especially Durand Line and Kabul’s links with India. It was the first ever open direct talk between Washington and Kabul since August 15th 2021, when the latter fell into hands of Taliban in accordance with Doha Qatar agreement.

The day-long but highly secret visit of the US team headed by Ambassador Adam Boehlar concluded with release and air lifting of George Glezmann, an American airline mechanic to the United States via Qatar Doha. The meeting at Kabul is the outcome of the highest level contacts between the two countries mediated by no other than Qatar, UAE since the empowering of Donald Trump on January 20th 2025 last. Besides others, the famous Zalmay Khalilzad was part of the delegation. War times events since the 1970s reveals that whenever Zalmay Khalilzad appears on media and diplomatic fora’s, it leads to changes and reshuffling in Afghanistan.

Similarly with the return of Donald Trump into power after a break of four years, the hostilities between Washington and Moscow are also melting

Though the United States has been working on Afghan fronts since completion of Afghanistan’s second Presidential Polls in 2009 without Pakistan but the Thursday engaging Kabul seems much more ironic for the high ups at Rawalpindi-Islamabad looking after changes, reshuffling, violence, terror, internal rifts and hostilities amongst perks and power thirsty self styled amirs, leaders, generals and chieftains on west side of infamous Durand Line since a long. It is crystal clear that compared to the 60’s and 70’s when the US  was healing the wounds of Vietnam defeat, the present day situation is totally different. Earlier US lead allies had depended on all of its strategies and intentions in Pakistan’s immediate neighbouring country of Afghanistan which was under influence of the now disintegrated USSR. Now Pakistan has no role in Afghanistan due to its flopped policies. Similarly with the return of Donald Trump into US power corridors after a break of four years, the hostilities between Washington and Moscow are also melting. 

Prior to the release of Mr. Glezmann, after taking over from Donald Trump in January, two other Americans Ryan Corbett and William Wallace Mckenty were released from Afghanistan in exchange for an Afghan imprisoned in Kabul. The Afghan national Khan Muhammad was a lifetime convicted on drug trafficking charges and considered financer of Taliban during war on terror. The US Secretary of State’s Marco Rubio says, “Glezmann’s release was also a reminder that other Americans are still detained in Afghanistan.”

Afghanistan’s foreign ministry on its X page added the deal showed, “Afghanistan’s readiness to genuinely engage all sides, particularly the United States of America, on the basis of mutual respect and interests.” Similar scenes are intentions of the US high ups who visited Kabul along with their facilitators from Qatar have time and again thanked Taliban officials for ordering release of Mr. Glezmann.

Donald Trump’s changing ideas towards one time for the Russian Federation and Emirate Islami Afghanistan would pose both positive and negative impacts on global politics

No one can deny the fact that US President Donald Trump’s changing ideas towards one time for the Russian Federation and Emirate Islami Afghanistan would pose both positive and negative impacts on global politics, especially the Asian Region where the US is still working on multiple options for strengthening its influence. Earlier Pakistan remained compulsion of United States for tackling one-time considered bigger threats of Socialists and Communist ideologies. And now apparently US muscling to combat Chinese economic growth and influencing of world trade markets. Previous couple of decades strategic-diplomatic episodes are very clear where Chinese avoiding confrontations and preferring policies of reconciliations, dialogues and even give and takes.

Issue of Pakistan is quite different as its effective military establishment still following Bhutto-Zia inherited strategic depth policies. Pakistan’s relations with almost neighbouring countries are lacking trust and sincerity. Both India and Afghanistan have already been declared as “enemies” whereas Iran is on the list of GRAY neighbours. Due to long association and partnership with US lead allies, China is also lacking trust in Pakistan. Almost all think tanks in the United States and its allies are considering religious extremism and terrorist a serious threat to global peace. All are clear that religious terrorism and extremism has deep roots in border regions of both Pakistan and Afghanistan. Zalmay Khalilzad is known for his secret extensions and designs therefore his brief but surprising tour to Kabul is generating stock of questions.

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China increases state funding for strategic minerals

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China is increasing state support for the exploration of domestic mines amid intensifying competition with the US.

According to an analysis by the Financial Times based on official announcements, at least half of China’s 34 provincial-level governments, including resource-rich regions such as Xinjiang, announced increased subsidies or expanded access for mineral exploration last year.

The increase in funding comes as control over the world’s strategic minerals emerges as a flashpoint between the US and China. The two superpowers are competing for resources needed for advanced technologies such as semiconductors, electric vehicles, robotics, and missiles.

“A series of major breakthroughs have been made in mineral exploration, significantly enhancing the ability to ensure the security of key industrial and supply chains and respond to external environmental uncertainties,” Xiong Zili, director of the geological exploration and management department of the Chinese Ministry of Natural Resources, told reporters this year.

He added that the new mineral exploration plan focuses on increasing domestic energy resources and “strategic” minerals.

China is the world’s largest producer of 30 of the 44 critical minerals tracked by the US Geological Survey.

Seeking to break Beijing’s dominance over the sector, US President Donald Trump has prioritized domestic mining, as well as access to critical minerals abroad, including in Greenland, Ukraine, and the Democratic Republic of Congo, since returning to the White House in January.

Xi Jinping has focused on China’s self-reliance in science and technology and developing its ability to be self-sufficient since becoming the leader of the ruling Chinese Communist Party in 2012.

This effort has become even more imperative amid escalating tensions with the US, and Xi has turned to strengthening supply chains and prioritizing advanced manufacturing and newly emerging high technologies.

Beijing’s mineral supply chains are a critical geopolitical leverage point in the trade and technology war with the US. The government has allocated more than 100 billion RMB ($13.8 billion) annually to geological exploration investments since 2022, marking the highest three-year period in the last decade.

Last year, China also tightened controls over the export of strategic minerals, including gallium, germanium, antimony, graphite, and tungsten, many of which are vital for chip manufacturing, in response to US restrictions on technology exports to China.

Cory Combs, deputy director at the Beijing-based consultancy Trivium China, said that China provides subsidies, tax incentives, and other forms of support to the domestic mining sector “independently” of commodity market cycles.

“From a market perspective, this is extravagance,” Combs told the Financial Times. “But in terms of political and economic security, it is not at all extravagant; it is worth the cost. According to Beijing, money is not the only goal.”

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