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In the first year of the intervention in Ukraine; the West and the Rest

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The first year of the Russian Federation’s intervention, justified by Article 51 of Chapter 7 of the UN Charter, has come to an end following the military tensions that started at the Ukrainian border, accompanied by the rejection of the Minsk agreement approved by the UN Security Council and the rejection of the two treaty proposals to the U.S. and NATO. The outlook for the international relations system is blurry. Having established a monopoly to unilaterally violate international law arbitrarily and in line with its interests through its military power, the U.S. is now facing a challenge from Russia,  after touching their sore point both historically and politically this time.

It is clear that the U.S. has consolidated its hegemony in Europe within a year, thanks to the crisis it started in Kiev in 2014 by triggering a civil war with a coup d’etat, which was interrupted under Donald Trump and then reignited with the return of the Democrats to power. But as the conflict has steadily escalated by mobilizing NATO, a front of ‘disobedience’ or ‘reluctance’ emerged in the rest of the world. While the ‘collective West’ is engaged in what it calls a ‘life-and-death war’ for its neoliberal economic and political model, the rest of the world does not seem to ‘embrace’ this perspective.

At the UN General Assembly, countries that have seen violations of international law in the last 30 years by the West, especially the United States, have condemned the Russian Federation for its military actions in Ukraine. There are analyses that draw attention to the size of the population represented by the countries that voted against or abstained in the symbolic votes at the General Assembly. It is debatable how meaningful this is. Whether they agree with the condemnation or abstain, countries that disagree with the unilateral economic sanctions of the United States and the EU, which do not have UN approval, present a more striking picture. In an environment of continued U.S. dollar-based fiscal hegemony, this is forcing the ‘collective West’ to threaten to ‘put pressure on those who try to remain in the two camps, maintaining trade ties with both Russia and the West.’ This situation is so reminiscent of the ‘you are either one of us or one of them’ approach adopted after 9/11 attacks by the Bush administration while carrying out its military actions in the invasion of Iraq, based on false intelligence.

In the Western media, there is an ongoing view that is formulated as ‘The West and the Rest.’ In particular, the concept of ‘multipolarity’, which the U.S. has been pursuing with reckless disregard in recent years, seems to have accelerated.

‘THE WORLD IS EITHER NEUTRAL OR LEAN TOWARDS RUSSIA’

‘The West and the Rest’ formula has been the subject of a lot of research in the past year.

Cambridge University researchers ‘matched’ data from surveys conducted in 137 countries in the eight months following the start of Russia’s military intervention on February 24, 2022, they came up with an interesting result. According to the study published in late October 2022, 66 percent of the 6.3 billion people living outside the West think positively about Russia and 70 percent think positively about China. 75 percent of participants in South Asia, 68 percent in Francophone Africa, and 62 percent in Southeast Asia express a ‘positive sentiment’ towards Russia.

The research yielded similar results in Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, India, Pakistan and Vietnam.

Of course, Cambridge researchers analyzed the results from the perspective of the division between the ‘liberal and democratic world’ and the ‘illiberal and anti-democratic world’. In Germany, it does not seem that people question how this conflict that leads to criminal laws that prosecute people for their opinions can be put into a ‘liberal’ framework.

In late January, The Economist published a graphic map of the world’s stance on the conflict in Ukraine. According to the newspaper, two-thirds of the world’s population tends towards either neutrality or Russia’s position. The reasons for this are, of course, controversial. The newspaper was based on GDP and population ratios. According to GDP, those who condemn Russia form 61 percent. The West-leaning camp accounts for 9.3 percent. The neutral form 10.1 percent. 16.8 percent represent Russia-leaning camp. 2.6 percent support Russia. On the population chart, those who condemn Russia form 16.1 percent. The West-leaning camp accounts for 20.3 percent. The neutral form 32.1 percent. 27.6 percent represent Russia-leaning camp. 3.9 percent support Russia.

The headline of the report illustrates that ‘the small number of Russian supporters’ is not a consolation. At this point, commentators appear to be sniffling at the Rest which ‘may represent more than half of the world’s population, but they make up the underdeveloped and poor half.’ And, of course, ‘the combined GDP, economic power and geopolitical weight of the West’ is highlighted, which ‘far outweighs the influence of countries that refuse to condemn intervention and impose sanctions on Russia.’

The latest report, released on the occasion of the Munich Security Conference held on February 17-20, found that countries, which make up half of the world’s population based on their positioning, oppose the isolation of Russia. Many governments in Africa, Asia and Latin America are reluctant to take action against Russia and isolate it both economically and diplomatically, the report said.

Clearly, this shows that the aforementioned states are prioritizing their own economic interests and conditions, which have become more challenging after the pandemic. Developing countries face many challenges, ranging from high debt costs and the climate crisis that has created environmental devastation, to poverty, food shortages, drought and high energy prices. For example, while the geography called ‘Global South’ has repeatedly asked for the sharing of the intellectual property rights of vaccines to save lives during the pandemic, none of the Western states seemed interested. On the other hand, Russia, China, and India rushed to the aid of many from Algeria to Egypt and from African countries to Argentina. It should also be considered that the West’s ‘colonial past’ still linger in memories. The West may try to wash it away, but today we are looking at a picture in which former colonial powers have reunited as members of the Western alliance on the front against Russia.

CLAMPING DOWN

The unilateral embargoes imposed by the U.S. and the EU on Russian oil and gas have affected not only Russia, but also some countries and companies that trade with Russia and supply energy and food products from Russia. For some, it yielded lucrative results. Hazal Yalın, author and researcher focusing on Russia, points to the capital outflow from Russia over the course of a year, while highlighting the huge decline in natural gas and oil revenues. However, he says, the West has not succeeded in destroying Russia’s economy. Indeed, the Central Bank of Russian Federation has managed to support the value of the ruble and keep the financial markets stable. In this sense, Yalın believes that the European economy is more deeply affected.

Two examples can be given from Continental Europe: Germany and the United Kingdom that has left the union with Brexit.

At the end of January, the IMF estimated that the UK economy would shrink and be worse than other advanced economies, including Russia, as the cost of living continued to hit households. The UK is projected to shrink by 0.6 percent, making it the only country in the G7 to shrink. Of course, the IMF thinks Britain is ‘on the right track.’

In Germany, Marcel Fratzscher, head of the Institute for Economic Research (DIW), said about 100 billion euros had been lost in 2022 due to the conflict in Ukraine. Surely, the recession debates take place but the industrialized vanguard of Europe and the world, Germany, will not ‘sink.’ But there are costs to losing cheap energy. According to Allianz Trade, German industry will pay 40 percent more for energy than before the crisis. Although the crisis was prevented and the electricity bills were controlled, the outlook of the German economy is described as ‘bleak.’ Allianz Trade says that rising labor costs and tighter financing conditions are putting more companies under pressure, especially in sectors exposed to energy and input prices, in response to improved expectations with increased government support. He finds the fear that the crisis will create ‘deindustrialization’ exaggerated.

The outcome will ‘not be the deindustrialization of Europe, but the militarization of European industry and its political consequences,’ Hazal Yalın anticipates. In fact, all evaluations fail to mention the ‘acceleration in the war industry.’ The West is not worried about this trajectory, but the fact that, as the New York Times put it, ‘Moscow is able to escape Western punishment with the help of its friends.’

All countries that impose an embargo on Russia are either members of the EU and NATO or close allies of the United States in the Asia-Pacific region. In contrast, most countries in Asia (excluding Japan, South Korea and Singapore) and all countries in the Middle East, Africa and Latin America (excluding the Bahamas) have good relations with both sides.

French historian Emmanuel Todd told Le Figaro, “If the Russian economy shows long-term resistance to Western sanctions, the European economy will perish. The ability of the United States to finance monetary control over the world and the massive trade deficit will collapse.”

This extravagant assessment aside, if the neocon administration in the U.S. tends to ‘clash on two fronts’ and insists on a tough stance against China, it is of course difficult to predict the results soon.

DEMOCRACY-AUTOCRACY DUALITY

The ideological and psychological repercussions of economic and political upheavals are inevitable. At the beginning of the Russian intervention, U.S. President Joe Biden said that the West would turn Russian President Vladimir Putin into “a pariah” in the international plan. However, this does not seem to have happened for the better part of the world. Russia has developed diplomatic ties with countries in Asia, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America over the past year. In his latest interview with the newspaper Liberation, EU Council President Charles Michel said that these countries have not forgotten Soviet Russia’s support in the fight against colonialism, and also still remember Western interventions in Iraq and Libya. Just Iraq and Libya? What about Syria and, even earlier, the breakup of Yugoslavia, which redrew the map of Europe, and its last link, Kosovo? As you know, Kosovo is still part of Serbia, based on the rules of UN law referenced in the Ukraine conflict today.

While the Western bloc presents the Ukraine conflict through the dichotomy of ‘democracy vs. autocracy’, masking geopolitical and socio-economic objectives, the principled inconsistencies, coupled with economic conditions, present a striking picture. Let’s take a look at regions.

ASIA’S ‘DISOBEDIENT STATES’

The People’s Republic of China, which refrained from condemning Russia at the UN Security Council, has accelerated economic relations with Russia in the last year. Bilateral trade volume exceeded 170 billion dollars. The ‘Power of Siberia’ natural gas pipeline agreement is signed. Beijing imports oil from Russia and also sells Siberian liquefied natural gas (LNG) to Europe. China, the U.S. administration’s ‘next target’, is openly promoting the slogan of ‘multipolar globalization,’ while rejecting accusations that it has/will ‘supply arms’ to Russia.

Over the course of a year, China’s political discourse has also gradually sharpened. Beijing, which initially emphasized that it “understands the complex and historical causes” of the Ukrainian crisis, is now openly telling the world that “the United States is the biggest factor that started and fueled the Ukrainian crisis.” In calling for peaceful negotiations on the first anniversary of the conflict, the Chinese government unveiled a vision that emphasizes “the protection of the sovereign rights of all countries,” “the indivisibility of security,” and “the suspension of unilateral sanctions.” The tension in the rhetoric challenging the U.S. narrative never lets up.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin said: “The US is the biggest saboteur of the international order. The rules-based international order claimed by the US is, in essence, a hegemonic order in which the US dominates the world.” Wang Yi, Member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and Director of the Office of the Central Commission for Foreign Affairs, who attended the Munich Security Conference and gave clear messages to the U.S. and Europe, described Russia-China relations as “rock solid” in Moscow. In his meeting with Putin, he emphasized their support for “multipolar world and greater democracy in international relations,” adding that “China is ready to work with Russia to maintain strategic resolve, deepen political mutual trust, strengthen strategic coordination, expand practical cooperation and defend the legitimate interests of both countries, to play a constructive role in promoting world peace and development.”

China’s support for Moscow in the Security Council for the investigation of the September 26, 2022 terrorist attack on the Nord Stream-2 pipeline, details of which were revealed by Pulitzer Prize-winning investigative journalist Seymour Hersh, is also particularly noteworthy. China’s Permanent Representative to the UN, Chiang Tyun, who has repeatedly reiterated China’s commitment to take the lead in building strategically important infrastructure facilities globally and to ‘spread development around the world,’ called for an objective, impartial and professional investigation to ‘find those responsible.’ Referring to the environmental impact of the attack as well as its repercussions on global energy markets, he reminded the UN of its ‘responsibility.’ “If we fail to identify all the circumstances and those responsible for the destruction of Nord Stream-2, it will provide even more opportunities for the conspirators,” Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Wang said, all the more remarkable given U.S. President Biden’s threat at the beginning of the crisis that “if Russia invades, we will finish Nord Stream-2.” Indeed, when Nord Stream-2 was exploded, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken called it a ‘tremendous opportunity’ to get rid of Russian resources, while Victoria Nuland, the architect of the 2014 coup in Kiev, expressed satisfaction that the pipeline was ‘a pile of metal at the bottom of the sea.’ Radoslav Sikorsiy, Poland’s former defense and foreign minister and current member of the European Parliament, wrote on Twitter, “Thank you, USA,” accompanied by a photo of the explosion reflected on the surface of the sea after the September 26 attack.

In Asia, not only China, which the U.S. sees as a rival, but India, which it sees as an ally against China, is of course more important. India is the country where the U.S. has formulated its Asia-Pacific strategy as ‘Indo-Pacific’ based on its name. New Delhi abstained from the UN General Assembly vote against Russia. One of the most important buyers of discounted Russian oil. India’s Minister for Petroleum, Hardeep Singh Puri, said they had no disagreements with Moscow and it was their ‘moral duty’ to buy Russian oil to lower energy prices in the country. But it’s not just that. New Delhi buys a significant amount of weapons and ammunition from Russia. And it can remain ‘free’ from U.S. sanctions. India is also opposed to discussing new sanctions against Russia at the G20 summit in New Delhi in September 2023.

India is balancing its relations with China through Russia, while continuing its Cold War tradition of ‘non-alignment-neutrality’ policy. Finally, it is noteworthy that it has recently started discussing border issues with Beijing, including mutual troop withdrawals.

India’s foreign minister, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, recently said that “I think it would not be fair today to reduce a very complex issue, the Ukraine conflict to a binary of are you on this side or that side. Are you for peace or for war?”

“Europe has to grow out of the mindset that Europe’s problems are the world’s problems, but the world’s problems are not Europe’s problems,” he added.

The other countries of Southeast Asia do not seem to be convinced of the anti-Russian sentiment either, despite the intense campaign at the ASEAN summit and the G20 summit sessions last November.

RETURN TO THE MIDDLE EAST

The situation in the Middle East seems to be in Russia’s ‘favor’ at the end of the year. Moscow is in contact with Sunni countries such as Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), their rivals such as Iran and Syria, and all countries in the region, including Israel.

Although most Arab countries condemned Russia’s military intervention in the first UN vote, the Arab League with 22 member states did not do so later. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov addressed the Arab League during a visit to the region at the end of July 2022. Many Arab countries abstained from removing Russia from the Human Rights Council. Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Egypt did not impose sanctions on Russia. “The Gulf states continue to conduct an open dialogue with Russia and consider it necessary to maintain contacts,” the Saudi Foreign Minister stressed.

Riyadh embodied this attitude on the economic front through OPEC+. They rejected the U.S. president’s request to increase oil production. Instead, they imported Russian oil for domestic use and/or for ‘blending oil in refineries’ to export more of their own production. They said their assessment was entirely based on ‘market conditions’. Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman did not answer Biden’s calls. The U.S. President paid a visit to the prince ‘personally,’ whom he had previously vowed to ‘make a pariah’. The case of Jamal Khashoggi, the man who ‘symbolized’ the liberal ideological principles of the U.S. Democrats in recent years, had to be buried.

The UAE adopted a similar attitude to the Saudis. In fact, trade volume with Russia increased by 68 percent to $9 billion in 2022.

ISRAELI LEADER REVEALS THAT THE WEST IS UNDERMINING PEACE

Israel, which is the backbone of U.S. Middle East policy, did not join the sanctions even though it condemned Russia’s intervention. There is a large Russian immigrant population in Israel. While liberal public opinion leaned toward the Banderist regime in Kiev, which openly embraced a historical legacy that ironically played a role in the Jewish genocide, the government refrained from supplying weapons.

It is not yet clear what kind of policy Israel’s new Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu will pursue, who has struck a balance of “non-conflict” with Russia in the face of the imminent threat they have seen in the region in previous years. However, Naftali Bennett, who had been prime minister until recently, revealed that although Kiev and Russia were ready for the mediation trial in March 2022, the solution was completely ruled out by British leader Boris Johnson and blocked by the leaders of the U.S., Germany and France.

BORRELL’S ‘AFRICAN JUNGLE UNABLE TO THINK INDEPENDENTLY’

Britain’s Financial Times reported that at the last Munich Security Conference, the West tried but failed to align African countries against Russia. For many African countries, Russia is seen as the successor to the Soviet Union, which supported them during their anti-colonial struggles.

South Africa, a member of the BRICS Group and the continent’s leading country, has not joined the condemnation of Russia at the UN and is currently holding joint exercises with China and Russia. Russia is favored in the country of legendary leader Nelson Mandela, who said that the Soviet Union’s material and moral support inspired him to overthrow the apartheid regime.

Countries such as Ghana, Mali, Sudan, Angola, Benin, Ethiopia, Uganda and Mozambique have seen the political and economic support of the former Soviets. The Russian Federation is somehow considered to be an ‘ideological successor.’ For example, in 2022 and at the end of January, Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov organized quite colorful African tours. He was greeted with national songs and dances at the Pushkin monument in Asmara, Eritrea. In African countries, banners read: “Putin, come and save us.” The EU’s foreign policy chief Josep Borrell, who last October compared ‘Europe to a garden and the rest of the world to a jungle’ and was criticized for ‘racism,’ this time claimed that ‘the African mind is not thinking straight because of manipulation’ following the attention Lavrov received during his visit to Mali. Speaking on February 18 at the African Union summit in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa, Uganda’s Foreign Minister Jeje Odongo responded to this view: “We were colonized and we forgave those who colonized us. Now, the colonizers are asking us to be enemies of Russia, who never colonized us, is that fair? Not for us: their enemies are their enemies, our friends are our friends.”

Last year, Macky Sall, President of Senegal and the African Union, blamed Western embargoes for the food crisis, while today Russia is negotiating with many African countries to switch to trade in national currencies. The results of the U.S. administration’s December summit on Africa are yet to be seen. The State Department has even produced a video that could be seen as interference in the Nigerian elections, ‘starring’ Secretary Blinken, USAID head Samantha Fox and the ‘black’ Linda Thomas-Greenfield, the US permanent representative to the UN.

THE VEIN OF LATIN AMERICA

Nicaragua, Venezuela and Cuba, where leftist governments are on the target of the United States, have been on the side of Russia, their traditional allies, from the very beginning. However, the region’s two strongest countries, Brazil and Mexico, as well as Argentina, which wants to join the BRICS, and Colombia, did not take a stand against Russia beyond a symbolic condemnation at the UN General Assembly and criticism of general principles.

Instead of the United States, Germany mobilized to convince the Latin front. However, Prime Minister Olaf Scholz returned empty-handed from visits to Brazil, Argentina and Chile, unable to persuade these countries to provide military aid to Kiev. Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, Argentina and Ecuador had received Russian-made MiG transport helicopters and in some cases Russian surface-to-air missiles or anti-tank missiles, which are compatible with those of the Ukrainian army. But Latin leaders see the conflict differently from the West.

Brazil’s neofascist Jair Bolsonaro administration, which the United States paved the way for by intervening directly in its democracy during the 2016-2018 period, was on the side of those who condemned Russia in two UN resolutions last year, but did not participate in sanctions against the most important fertilizer supplier. Lula da Silva, the leftist leader who succeeded Bolsonaro after being exonerated and re-elected after being wrongfully imprisoned with the overt intervention of the U.S. Justice Department, was outspoken in his criticism of Scholz and then French President Macron: “Brazil has no interest in handing over ammunition that can be used in the war between Ukraine and Russia. Brazil is a country of peace. Our last disagreement was in the Paraguayan war, and that’s why Brazil doesn’t want any participation in this war, even indirectly. Because I think right now we need to find someone in the world who will seek peace between Russia and Ukraine. So far, peace has hardly been on the agenda. In other words, Brazil has decided not to provide this ammunition. Because we don’t want this ammunition to be used in the war against Russia.”

Lula then reiterated his stance of ‘neutrality’ during his visit to Washington on February 10. According to Brazilian sources, his message to Biden was, “No one wants this war to continue. The parties should form a negotiation team. I don’t want to join the war, I want to end it.” Of course, Lula, who survived  the coup attempt on the 8th day of his new term in power, which began on January 1, 2023, has to establish the balance within his country. He has already been accused of playing the ‘Robin Hood’ role by US-linked financial power groups. He is also facing criticism from The Economist over its plans with Argentine President Alberto Fernandez for a ‘bizarre common currency’ for the continent.

Argentina’s leader Fernández also refused to send arms to Kiev in return for his country’s poor financial situation.

But in fact, the attitude of the Social Democratic President, who took office in August 2022 of Colombia, which has been the right-wing stronghold of the United States in Latin America for years, is more interesting. “Even if they end up as scrap in Colombia, we will not hand over Russian weapons to be taken to Ukraine to prolong a war,” Colombia’s leftwing president Gustavo Petro responded “We are for peace.”

Chile’s left-liberal President Gabriel Boric, reflecting his country’s sentiment, said he condemned Russia’s invasion, even though ‘some media and opinion leaders believe that interfering in the politics of other countries is a bad decision.’ But he only offered Kyiv help with clearing mines.

Mexico’s leader, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, took the lead. In March 2022, a meeting of the Russia Friendship Group was held in the lower house of the Mexican Congress, while Obrador called for ‘neutrality’ and a ‘peaceful solution’ throughout the year. He condemned the intervention at the UN, but in his meeting with Biden in July 2022, he stated that Mexico would adhere to the foreign policy set out in its constitution, which includes ‘the principles of self-determination.’ He rejected the embargo on Russia. Without mentioning NATO and the United States, he described the policy of ‘I will supply the weapons, you will supply the dead’ as ‘immoral.’ And finally, commenting on Berlin’s decision to send Leopard battle tanks to Ukraine under U.S. pressure, “Media power is used by the oligarchies in the world to subjugate governments. Germany, for example, did not want to get too involved in the war with Ukraine. They finally gave in” he said.

The neutral stance of Latin America, which has been hit by the increase in global energy and fertilizer prices, is clear. Celso Amorim, who served as foreign minister in the past Lula governments and is still an effective advisor, says Brazil’s reasons are not related to the need for fertilizer. According to Maria Angela Holguín, Colombia’s former foreign minister, the Ukrainian conflict has brought back unwanted memories of the struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union in Latin America. In fact, Holguin said, these countries think that Russia and China could be useful to them in the near future.

THE NEW NON-ALIGNED ERA?

Inflationary pressures and fears of recession are affecting much of the world. The rich West may be able to afford the cost of the embargo on Russia but the rest is struggling. These concerns affect their attitudes.

Of course, the dollar’s reserve currency status is still the pillar of the global economic order. However, the embargoes, the ‘arming’ of the international banking and insurance sectors, including the SWIFT system, the confiscation of assets, and the commodity agreements that had to be canceled are ‘watched with concern.’ Again, many countries are facing currency depreciation, while ways to trade with local currencies are being discussed. The ‘rest of the world‘ facing the West is already weighing the risks of a conflict in which they have no say.

The West’s long-standing ‘war on terror’ rhetoric, the controversial occupation of Iraq, the collapse and fragmentation of Libya and Syria, and the chaotic retreat of the U.S. and NATO and leaving the country to the Taliban after 20 years of fighting the Taliban in Afghanistan are all remembered.

It is noteworthy that the West, which has been marketing liberal interventions around the world for 30 years on the themes of ‘minority rights’, ‘mother tongue rights’, ‘autonomy’, ‘freedom of thought and expression’, has returned to ‘state sovereignty’, which they themselves have violated many times, by referring to the Russians and the Russian-speaking population of Donbass, bombed for eight years for refusing to accept the coup, as ‘Ukrainians’ in the Ukrainian crisis. The poor record of the alleged ‘principles’ is unlikely to go unnoticed. Global propaganda supremacy, accompanied by a heavy ‘iron curtain’ of censorship justified by ‘protecting’ their own communities, is not enough to erase Banderism, which stands out as Kiev’s official ideology. The narrative of ‘Russia woke up one day and suddenly invaded its neighbor’ turns into a tasteless ‘fast food.’ While the Zelensky regime is destroying millions of Russian-language books in the country in a manner reminiscent of the Nazi era, the rest of the world is baffled by the justification in the West for attacks on Russians and Russian culture, from vodka to cats, Tchaikovsky to Dostoevsky. In these circumstances, in light of economic realities and historical experiences, it is only natural that ‘the rest of the world’ sees multipolarity as a ground where its voice will be heard more.

OPINION

On what terms can a fresh start be made with Greece?

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Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis travels to Ankara today to discuss a new chapter and a positive agenda with Greece. Technically, this is the counterpart of President Erdogan’s visit to Athens in recent months, but it does not look like an ordinary return visit. The Greek prime minister was interviewed by a Turkish newspaper (Milliyet, 12 May) and President Erdogan by a Greek newspaper (Kathimerini, 12 May). The tone of both leaders is cautious and attentive. Obviously, they are trying to achieve ‘something new’.

As someone who has been closely following the Turkish-Greek tensions, crises and periods of détente from time to time, I have no intention of adding water to the cooked pot; however, since I do not know exactly what the cooked pot is, for whom, how and by whom it is being cooked, I would like to share some of my concerns and my thoughts/evaluations on how these problems, which I have been pondering for years, can be resolved.

First of all, it is necessary to analyse why and how this period of softening was reached. As you may recall, after a series of crises in the second half of 2020 (the Idlib crisis with Russia in January-February 2020 and the Libya crisis with Egypt in the summer of 2020), we found ourselves in a full diplomatic-military crisis with Greece. As a result of the wrong and ideological foreign policy that we have been insisting on for years, we have turned the whole region against us, made enemies of countries like Egypt and Israel, which have always been neutral in the Greek-Turkish issues, and even made Athens dream of taking us on militarily. Why not?

How and why did Greece go from confrontating Turkey in the Aegean to confront Turkey today?

If Turkey clashes with Egypt over Libya – a very serious scenario in the summer of 2020 – and Israel supports Egypt in the armed conflicts, why should Greece not carry out a fait accompli operation in the Aegean against Turkey, which seems to be feuding with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates at the same time? Moreover, in such a scenario, even France could ‘sell’ Greece enough Rafale fighters overnight. Even Armenia could have extended its front against Azerbaijan through Tovuz, and Turkey could have been shown the error of its ways. When the 15 July coup attempt took place in the summer of 2016, Athens complained that it was not sufficiently prepared to carry out such a military operation. I should also note here that in those years, when I tried to explain that such isolation was contrary to the spirit of the art of foreign policy and that we needed a serious review, I was subjected to a lot of lamentations by the so-called foreign policy experts (!).

In the end, Ankara had to realise that the flawed policies it insisted on pursuing, as if it were a finalist in a competition to create the best example of the worst foreign policy, were unsustainable. The rapid transformation of normalisation between Turkey and Russia into ‘rapprochement’ led to the historic victory of Azerbaijan, which Turkey had fully supported in the forty-four-day war, while Ankara quickly restored its relations with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Egypt and even Israel. What is more, it did so in the space of a year. Although Syria remains the limping leg in this series, its remarkably balanced and cautious policy towards the upcoming Ukrainian war, especially since the second half of 2021, has once again shattered Greece’s crude dreams.

For Mitsotakis and Greece, an adventure in the Aegean against a Turkey that has restored its relations with Egypt and Israel in the Eastern Mediterranean, opened new and clean pages with Saudi Arabia and the UAE, and improved its relations with Russia in every field, while Athens’ relations with Moscow plummeted during the Ukrainian war, would have been literally suicidal. There is no doubt that Athens has studied what happened to Armenia when it attacked Tovuz. President Erdoğan’s statement that “we can come suddenly one night” should not be taken lightly. This is where the 2023 earthquake came to the rescue. Just as in 1999, this time Greece sent rescue teams, and both the Turkish and Greek media seized on the issue, making it the beginning of a positive agenda and a new page in politics.

New risks in a new period

In Turkey, where the Greek issue is not a serious agenda in domestic public opinion, decision-makers are always at ease when they talk about reconciling with Athens and solving the problems, because the problems with this country are not used to make a premium in our domestic politics. Even during the time of this government, which made foreign policy a domestic agenda, this issue was not used very much. But that is not the case with Greece. In what can be called an abuse of democracy, every party and every government has used the issue of Turkey to the hilt, publicising every problem with its content, Greek theses and red lines.

As a result, a negotiation process based on give and take has become almost impossible for Greek governments. That is why Greek governments always cling to this excuse. The worst thing is that Europe and America, which often mediated these negotiations, flattered all the politicians/decision-makers by saying ‘you are a big state, don’t compare yourself with Greece, you can be more generous’. This should not happen this time. If there is to be a positive agenda with Greece – and Athens knows very well that the reality of the multipolar world is in favour of Turkey and against Greece – then we should not allow our problems with Greece to be addressed within the Turkey-EU agenda or based on Turkey’s EU membership perspective, as if it actually exists. In short, the problems should be addressed through bilateral negotiations and outside the framework that has so far been polluted/poisoned by the Turkey-EU acquis.

As Dendias said in Ankara, the issue for Greece is simple: Ankara must recognise Greek Cyprus as the Republic of Cyprus, as enshrined in the EU-Turkey acquis through the efforts of Athens and with the complicity of all EU member states that do not want Turkey to become a member, and accept that the only problem in the Aegean, in line with Greek theses, is to refer the issue to the Hague Court of Justice or arbitration to determine where the continental shelf runs between the easternmost Greek-dominated islands and the Turkish mainland. Other issues, such as Greece’s claim to 12 miles of airspace in violation of international law, the arming of islands with non-military status, islands with undetermined status in the Aegean, the issue of adjacent islands and rocks, etc., are all fabricated by Turkey in order to open Greece’s rights to discussion, and Greece refuses to negotiate on these issues.

Wouldn’t it be nice to create appeasement?

It may be possible, but it also involves serious risks. For example, if we can achieve a détente with Greece in the Aegean, without compromising an inch on our thesis that the Cyprus problem should be solved on the basis of two states, so much the better! But such a détente should not take place if, as we have always done, we show unnecessary courtesy by saying that we should not frighten or offend Athens, and if we accuse each other internally of being those who want a solution and those who do not want a solution, And if we start accusing each other internally as those who want a solution and those who do not want a solution, because it will lead to compromising the steps to be taken towards the recognition of the TRNC, as well as justifying the thesis of the pro-federationists within the TRNC that ‘we told you so, Turkey will say a few words about two states and then take a step back’.

It should not be forgotten that in the last century of the Empire, Greece always managed to win both when it was at odds with the Ottoman Empire and when it was friendly with it. The reason for this is that Europe often took a pro-Greek stance. Atatürk put an end to this cursed period. After the Second World War, Ankara was always vigilant on the Cyprus issue and the Turkish-Greek problems that spread from there to the Aegean and did not allow the West to take initiatives in favour of Greece. However, it must be admitted that this policy could be maintained until the second half of the 1990s, when the EU issue was sold to Turkey through a massive media campaign, and in the two decades that followed, Turkey’s Cyprus and Greece policies were almost turned upside down within the European Union process. The recent caution and the advantages and benefits of multipolarity should not be wasted on a non-existent EU perspective.

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OPINION

Ukraine’s new $60 billion is ready: What changed Trump’s mind?

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7 months have passed… The phrase “as much as necessary” used by American officials has been replaced by “as much as we can”… American Congressmen, who would have rushed to the Congressional benches in the morning to vote for the aid package if Netanyahu had been allergic to spring, were no longer able to show the same enthusiasm when it came to Ukraine. At least some of the Republicans…

Over time, this particular group started to get in the good graces of the rest of the Congress. They said, “You’re throwing Putin a lifeline.” “You’re siding with the enemies of the United States,” they said. They probably also said “the arms industry is hungry”, but they said it quietly. But this conservative faction did not say “Noah says Noah”. They even sacked Kevin McCarthy, their own Speaker, who had hinted that he would make a deal with Biden for future packages, without blinking an eye. Meanwhile, time was running out. Ukraine was running out of ammunition and was retreating a little further on the ground every day.

CIA director Burns issued a grim prescription: “If this package is not passed now, Ukraine will not live to see 2025”.

As you know, the leader of this group was Donald J. Trump. The populist leader argued that the unconditional money given to Ukraine should be spent on issues of direct concern to Americans, such as border security and infrastructure needs, and many thought this stubbornness would be short-lived. “After the first of the year, Ukraine will begin to feel the lack of ammunition,” the Pentagon said. Then it would be resolved somehow in December, wouldn’t it?

The meetings in Congress were very heated. The Republicans wanted extra money for border security and tax cuts for the rich. Both were unacceptable to the Democrats. Mike Johnson, the new Republican spokesman, who had arrived after a lot of fighting within his party, was stamping rejection on Biden’s monthly packages before he even opened his eyes.

By December, there was no sound from the package. By February, Johnson was still calling the new proposals “stillborn”. Ukrainian President Zelenski had already raised the tone of his complaint. At this rate, a Russian summer offensive could lead to a serious disaster.

Persuasion tours

If the four years of Trump’s rule have taught his opponents anything, it is that he is not a man of principle. If the conditions were right, the former president could be convinced of anything. They started with Israel. They put support for Israel and Ukraine in the same package. But who were they fooling? How many brave Democrats could there be who would say no to aid for Israel? Of course, this could not be an offer that would “scare” the Republicans in return for support for Ukraine. And it didn’t. Support for Israel reached the White House without much fuss at the Congressional tables.

The border security issue was a dangerous adventure for the Democrats. Caving in to the Republicans would have alienated their own voters. The Muslim vote had already been lost on the Israel issue, and Biden could not risk more.

The picture that now emerged was grave for Biden’s plans for Ukraine. Obviously, Trump’s intention was to prevent the approval of this package until after the elections. Thus, Biden would go into the elections with the Ukraine disaster on his back and would surely be defeated.

Then something happened. First, Mike Johnson’s language changed. Suddenly he started talking about “what would happen if we left Ukraine in the middle”. When Marjorie Taylor Greene (MTG), known as the radical Trumpist of Parliament, smelled “betrayal”, she gave Johnson an ultimatum: “Don’t forget McCarthy, don’t you dare!”.

But unlike MTG, Trump thought differently this time.

The former president said: “We’re tired of giving gifts.We might consider lending money to Ukraine”. Although this comment suggests that Trump was somehow persuaded, it still sounded odd. As the war entered its third year, Ukraine’s economy was in shambles. To pay its soldiers, it had to receive $8 billion a month from the West. If the war ended today, it would take $500 billion to rebuild the country. If I went to a bank in my situation and asked for a loan, I would probably be laughed at. But Donald Trump, the author of The Art of the Deal, is obviously convinced.

Who am I kidding, of course he wasn’t convinced. But he must have got something out of it. But what was it?

What does Trump want?

We are in a period where Biden and the Republicans, who were in favour of supporting Ukraine, have realised that nothing can be done despite Trump. Whether they like him or not, there is a populist figure they have to convince. To understand what Trump might want, we need to go back five years, to the Ukraine issue that started the debate about Trump’s impeachment in 2019.

While there was talk of Biden running in the 2020 election, Trump started going through old notebooks.Remember the famous Biden son laptop incident? Hunter Biden was working for an oligarch’s energy company in Ukraine and used the power of his father, who was Vice President at the time (i.e. the whole of the US), to get rid of the prosecutor who was after the company’s owner. Trump was aware of this at the time and made plans to beat Biden in the election.

Meanwhile, just like today, aid packages for Ukraine were waiting in Congress. The amount of aid was much smaller and the public did not focus on it. But the package was not approved simply because Trump did not want it.

He called Zelenski. “You had a very fair prosecutor.It’s a shame,” he said.He asked Zelenski to appoint a prosecutor to go after Biden. It was the only way he could get the aid he was holding up in Congress released. The incident escalated.Because of that speech, the question of Trump’s impeachment erupted.But it told us what Trump could demand in such a position.

Fast forward to today. The Wall Street Journal reports that Trump has had two important visits in a month. One was, of course, Johnson, the Speaker of the House, and the other was Andrzej Duda, the former President of Poland. Duda, a leader known as a Trumpite, was also a good friend of Trump’s. They must have thought that a right-wing populist would understand the language of the right-wing populist, so they organised such a meeting. Duda explained the gravity of the situation to Trump. Johnson found a more effective vein.

In fact, Trump said: “If I am elected, I will bring peace in one day”. How would he do that if Ukraine were defeated today? Ukraine had to hold out at least until Trump took office. For some reason, CIA director William Burns said the package would keep Ukraine alive until 2025. If Trump wins, his inauguration will be in January.

Before we forget, there are also Trump’s ongoing lawsuits. It is rumoured that the money he has earmarked for his campaign could run out as a result of these lawsuits. Trump may have made a deal over Ukraine in order to avoid both financial damage and the blockage of his electoral path.

In conclusion, although Trump is popular today because of his isolationist and “America First” ideology, his policies are based on his personal interests. While 101 Republicans supported the package that Trump did not oppose, 112 voted against it. So despite everything, the isolationist wing does not even listen to Trump when it needs to. The former president’s order of importance is as follows: Trump first, then America, and Israel can squeeze in depending on the situation. Ironically, even in this equation, America is ahead compared to Biden’s order of importance.

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OPINION

Grassroots Democracy in China: A Field Study

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China is often portrayed as an “evil” communist dictatorship where allegedly no one can freely express their opinions. But is this really the case? How does democracy function in China? After all, China describes itself as a democratic state. A thorough on-site investigation is necessary to clarify these questions. – Christian Wagner (Beijing)

Expertise Instead of Activism: Democracy in Beijing’s Subdistricts

In March 2024, an investigation took place in subdistricts of Beijing (Haidian). Participants included local residents, lawyers, janitors, property management, sales representatives of the property, and a party representative who chaired the discussion. The topic was the introduction of mechanical speed limits to slow down cars, a discussion at the grassroots level in the neighborhoods. I had the opportunity to participate in the discussion and examine grassroots democracy in China.

In the Kongjia Community of the Haidian subdistrict of Beijing (Zhongguancunjiedao), the viewpoints of all participants were thoroughly discussed democratically. The party leadership only took on the role of facilitating the discussion and summarizing the results. It was interesting that it was not a classic debate aimed at overriding opinions. Rather, each participant sought to empathize with the perspective of others, including absentees such as children, the elderly, or drivers themselves. Both inclusive and psychological factors were considered, and a proportionality assessment took place. In the end, a solution was found that was in the best interest of all parties involved.

During a personal conversation with an elderly neighbor, it was strongly emphasized to me how crucial it is to involve experts. He said that “in China, every democratic discussion is characterized by an academic approach in which experts play a central role with their expertise. Political representatives who lack expertise in relevant areas face too great a challenge in analyzing complex issues adequately. Instead, they tend to argue purely based on their emotions, which ultimately serves no one. Therefore, it is of enormous importance that the party incorporates experts and acts as a mediator between the various sides. In this sense, the party acts almost like a wise father who gathers his children around a table to promote a factual and constructive discussion.”

In another small subdistrict with several tens of thousands of residents in the million-strong city of Beijing, called Huaqinyuan Community, there was a discussion on how local businesses and residents can live together in harmony. In China, companies also have local “citizen duties”. The Communist Party of China supported the organization, so a local research institute for the aerospace industry supported the construction of a small kiosk and a children’s playground.

I was able to attend the opening ceremony, where subsidized food was sold to retirees. In addition, employees of the research institute supported the repair of bicycles or other small tasks for the neighborhood population. In general, all neighborhoods have a shared office where both party members and neighborhood residents or members of other parties sit and take care of administrative tasks, order, coordination, bureaucracy, local development, or opinion formation.

At the opening, I asked a representative of the office about the current challenges in the community. He mentioned that the biggest problem was that fewer and fewer young people were interested in getting involved in the neighborhood, as they increasingly sit at home in their virtual world. I pointed out to him that similar challenges also exist in the West. However, he explained that the role of the party is crucial. Through its networks, it can help, and especially students from various social platforms volunteer.

 

Businesses and “citizen duties”: Investigation of the entire Haidian District

This was one of the numerous events in Beijing where representatives of local businesses and the seven democratic parties, under the organization of the Communist Party of China, came together from all subdistricts in Haidian (about 3 million inhabitants). Companies like Microsoft were also represented. Some companies presented how they want to improve the lives of everyone in the entire district together with the local government and citizens.

Presentations were also shown on how better cooperation between local businesses can be achieved. Topics such as the construction of a “Smart Infrastructure City”, an “Artificial Intelligence City”, and an “Intelligent Production and Supply Chain” were discussed in particular. Companies compete to demonstrate outstanding achievements in improving the local living conditions of the people and thereby receive special support from the government and party. It’s a win-win situation.

Exposed Illusions: Western Misconceptions about Communism and Democracy in China

There are still widespread misconceptions in the West about communism, often leading to the belief that it is supposed to take from the rich and redistribute to the poor, similar to Robin Hood. In reality, however, this notion is more of an extremism, which Lenin himself referred to as the “infantile disorder of communism”.

Mao Zedong emphasized in his work “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People” that it is naive to believe that contradictions between people can simply be eliminated. Rather, it is about finding ways for everyone to pull together. The Chinese concept of win-win cooperation stems from this idea. At the grassroots democracy level in China, this means that companies, the local population, the government, individuals, and all democratic parties work together to address issues of public interest. Public interest especially means that local people find work, are adequately supplied with affordable food, and have housing.

China has often struggled with poverty and hunger in the past, similar to many other developing countries. Therefore, it is of the utmost importance to stabilize this basic supply. Through these efforts, the People’s Republic has been able to lift over 800 million people out of poverty. It is a mistake to assume that companies are forced to do so. In fact, companies benefit greatly from their own investments and can test their own products in practice and conduct experiments, invest in the education of young people locally, or even improve their own structures, instead of just paying taxes.

China’s democratic system has two levels. On the one hand, there is the central government, which sets framework guidelines and laws from top to bottom. On the other hand, there is the “collective” or “inclusive” democracy on a horizontal level, where all participants of public space are involved in debates, especially experts. Therefore, activism is also frowned upon because activism is often associated with people arguing based on their feelings without considering the profound overall circumstances. Activism therefore takes place, among other places, in universities in the form of professional debates.

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