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Protests erupt in Ireland over plan to end military neutrality

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Ireland is witnessing major demonstrations against the effective abolition of the country’s long-standing neutrality, driven by a plan for militarization within the EU framework.

On Saturday, approximately one thousand people took to the streets of Dublin to protest the government’s plan to dismantle the “Triple Lock” system. The Triple Lock is a constitutional mechanism requiring that any mission involving twelve or more Irish soldiers must be approved by a UN Security Council or UN General Assembly resolution. This provision is intended to help preserve the country’s historic neutrality, which is deeply rooted in its history under British colonial rule.

Anthony Coughlan, an emeritus professor at Trinity College Dublin and spokesperson for the National Platform EU Research and Information Centre, told German Foreign Policy that refusing to participate in foreign wars, especially alongside the United Kingdom, is “a fundamental element of the national sentiment of the Irish people.” The government’s attempt to break with the tradition of neutrality by abolishing the Triple Lock is seen partly as a consequence of Irish leaders’ integration into EU institutions.

The de facto breach of neutrality: UN charter requirement removed

The Irish government is preparing to abolish the Triple Lock system to allow for greater flexibility in the future deployment of Irish soldiers. To this end, it has introduced a draft bill called the Defence (Amendment) Bill 2025. The bill’s core provision is that the deployment of Irish soldiers abroad can be done without the approval of the UN Security Council.

As a concession, the bill states that deployments must simply be conducted in accordance with the principles of the United Nations Charter. The aim here is to open up a broad and flexible range of military actions by facilitating missions for peacekeeping, conflict prevention, and “strengthening international security.”

Future missions involving more than fifty Irish soldiers will still normally require not only a government decision but also a parliamentary resolution in the Dáil. However, this latter requirement can be waived if the mission is extended, as the government has discretionary power in this matter. Furthermore, missions involving fewer than fifty Irish soldiers will no longer be subject to parliamentary approval. Indeed, sending troops will not be limited to the UN; it will also be possible within the framework of the OSCE, the EU, and any other regional organizations, provided it is deemed consistent with the UN Charter and international law. NATO also claims to be a compatible organization in this regard.

Growing backlash against the erosion of neutrality

Opposition to the abolition of Ireland’s Triple Lock system is steadily growing. Last Saturday, around one thousand people demonstrated in Dublin against the removal of legal restrictions on military interventions and for the preservation of Irish neutrality. The protest was organized by a broad alliance of opposition parties, including Sinn Féin, and non-parliamentary organizations campaigning together under the slogan “United for Neutrality.”

Speakers included Alice-Mary Higgins, an independent senator in the Irish Senate (Seanad Éireann), and Mary Lou McDonald, the president of Sinn Féin. In May, opposition politicians declared they would “fight to the end” to protect the country’s constitutional neutrality and the Triple Lock. Protesters on the streets chanted slogans such as, “Protect our neutrality!” and “Save our Triple Lock!”

Irish neutrality: A rejection of British colonialism

According to the Irish Neutrality League, Ireland’s neutrality means that the Irish state “adopts the principle of impartiality by refraining from providing support or assistance to any of the parties in a military conflict, thereby reducing the likelihood of prolonging or escalating the war.”

Historically, Ireland’s neutrality is rooted in its experience under British colonial rule. The Irish Neutrality League argues that as a “post-colonial nation,” Ireland suffered under “imperialist conquest and occupation” and has no moral inclination to do the same to other countries. Coughlan asserts that opposition to wars in distant lands and membership in military alliances is “a fundamental element of the national sentiment of the Irish people,” adding, “There is very little desire to join wars shoulder-to-shoulder with Britain.”

Polls show a high level of support for neutrality. Most recently, a survey conducted by The Irish Times in April 2025 found that nearly two-thirds of respondents favored neutrality.

Ireland’s contradiction as an EU member

There is a direct contradiction between Ireland’s neutrality as an EU member state and the EU’s own stance. This conflict has existed since the EU signed the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). A common military policy was established with the Treaty of Nice, signed in 2001 and effective from January 1, 2003.

This contradiction is seen as the main reason the Irish people initially rejected the treaty in a referendum. The public approved the treaty in a second referendum only after the government accepted the “Triple Lock” safeguard. According to this arrangement, the deployment of more than twelve Irish soldiers abroad is not possible without, firstly, government approval; secondly, the consent of the Irish parliament; and thirdly, a supporting resolution from the United Nations Security Council or General Assembly.

The problem of public resistance to EU militarization was repeated with the Treaty of Lisbon, signed in 2007, which only came into force on December 1, 2009. This treaty provided for the transformation of the ESDP into the more comprehensive Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). It was also initially rejected in a referendum but was approved in a second Irish referendum after the government reaffirmed the role of the Triple Lock.

Stealth militarization: The state disregards the public

The Irish government has, in practice, undermined the country’s constitutional neutrality on numerous occasions. For example, Dublin has allowed US military transport planes to stop over at Shannon Airport on their way to war zones in the Middle East.

As Coughlan points out, Ireland also plays an active role in the EU’s foreign and military policy. On October 1, 2024, Micheál Martin, who was then Deputy Prime Minister (Tánaiste) and Minister for Defence before becoming Prime Minister (Taoiseach), officially acknowledged that Dublin was considering joining the European Sky Shield Initiative (ESSI), an air defense system initiated by Germany but covering all of Europe.

Prior to this, in February 2024, the Irish government signed the Individually Tailored Partnership Programme (ITPP) with NATO, which allows for greater information exchange, including intelligence. A member of the Irish government confirmed at the time that Ireland had access to NATO’s cyber defense systems, for example. Ireland is a “contributing participant” in the NATO Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence (NATO CCDCOE) located in Tallinn, Estonia. Dublin also argues that NATO cooperation helps protect Ireland’s own underwater infrastructure.

Europe

German officials urge fighter jet alliance with Sweden and Spain

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German Defence Ministry officials have advised Berlin to form a new fighter jet partnership with Sweden and Spain rather than join an existing UK-led consortium.

Internal ministry assessment notes obtained by Politico state that a trilateral arrangement among Germany, Sweden, and Spain represents a “more advantageous and promising” approach than joining the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP) run by the UK, Italy, and Japan.

The proposal outlined in the document does not yet represent a final government decision, nor does it contain any indication that German Defence Minister Boris Pistorius has approved the recommendation.

The advice was drafted after Germany’s flagship project with France to build a next-generation fighter jet collapsed in June following years of industrial infighting.

Initiated in 2017 and later joined by Spain, the Future Combat Air System (FCAS) was conceived as a showcase initiative for European defence cooperation. The partnership aimed to develop an aircraft to replace Germany’s Eurofighter fleet starting in 2040.

However, the initiative foundered on disputes over operational control and workshare between France-based Dassault and Germany-based Airbus Defence and Space. Following unsuccessful rescue attempts at the political level, Berlin withdrew from the joint fighter project this year.

UK Prime Minister Andy Burnham raised the prospect of Germany joining GCAP during an 8 October meeting in Berlin with Friedrich Merz. The two leaders agreed that officials should continue discussions.

For Berlin, the choice carries implications that reach far beyond which model its air force will fly. The decision will determine who controls future military technology, which countries secure production contracts, and whether a new European partnership can avoid the frictions that dismantled FCAS.

Ministry assessment keeps distance from UK-partnered GCAP project

The ministry assessment listed several reservations regarding the GCAP project. The report argued that the existing programme focuses on operations beyond Germany’s capability requirements, whereas Berlin needs an aircraft better suited for missions over continental Europe.

The document also noted that German manufacturers would struggle to secure a significant share of development and production work within an already established partnership.

Invoking past experiences with the Eurofighter programme, which was developed in the 1990s and entered service in the early 2000s, the document took direct aim at British defence contractor BAE Systems.

The German Defence Ministry assessment accused BAE Systems of prioritizing exports over the development interests of Germany and Italy, warning that British dominance would prove incompatible with an equal partnership.

By contrast, the document stated that the military requirements of Germany, Sweden, and Spain align closely and that their starting positions are well balanced.

The assessment proposed an industrial partnership between aerospace giant Airbus and Sweden’s Saab, while recommending that the Saab-manufactured Gripen E fighter jet serve as a technological stepping stone until the new aircraft is developed.

The German Defence Ministry declined to comment on the matter. A separate ministry note, however, recorded British efforts to integrate Germany into GCAP as an observer or participant, asking German officials to examine potential industrial roles and military requirements.

An Airbus spokesperson said the company was “generally open to cooperation”, provided that German and Spanish industry secured a “substantial and equal role” across development, production, and operational phases.

“Purely political decisions without an industrial foundation remain insufficient,” the spokesperson said, urging authorities in Berlin and Madrid to clarify the path forward swiftly.

In an interview published in Handelsblatt on Monday, Airbus defence chief Michael Schollhorn pointed to ties with Saab, noting that the two companies have always worked well together.

A Saab spokesperson also indicated that the company is receptive to broad defence cooperation, including in fighter aircraft.

Emphasizing that large-scale collaborative projects are handled at the political level and that participation decisions rest with the respective governments, the spokesperson said: “All questions regarding potential Swedish participation should be directed to the Swedish government. Saab stands ready, as always, to support Sweden’s future fighter aircraft requirements.”

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EU reopens debate on naming envoy for Ukraine talks with Putin

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The European Union has returned to the idea of appointing an envoy to hold talks on Ukraine with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

According to sources familiar with the matter who spoke to Politico, this search gained fresh momentum following a visit to Russia by Steve Witkoff, the US special envoy.

During his trip, Witkoff proposed to Putin that Russia, the US, and Ukraine hold trilateral talks.

European countries, meanwhile, fear that Washington could accept terms unfavourable to Kyiv in negotiations that exclude them.

Sources speaking to Politico said the names being discussed for the envoy role include European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, European Council President António Costa, and EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kaja Kallas.

Some European diplomats believe Finnish President Alexander Stubb may be the most suitable candidate for the post.

Stubb’s good relations with Trump and Finland’s experience in dealing with Russia are cited among the factors setting him apart.

An unnamed EU diplomat described Stubb as the only European politician so far to have demonstrated senior-level leadership.

Another group of diplomats argues that Costa should lead the talks. European leaders asked Costa during last week’s EU summit in Brussels whether the time had come to speak with Putin.

Politico’s source recounted that exchange: “Costa said no, saying he would not speak to Putin right now. But if we want to play a role in the negotiations, Costa still needs to initiate dialogue with Putin.”

According to an assessment by another source, the European Council president could serve as a more neutral mediator than von der Leyen or Kallas, who are seen as overly focused on supporting Ukraine.

“Three or four people cannot go there with each of us speaking on behalf of the European Union,” one of the sources told the publication. “Ultimately, the choice of who represents the EU must be based on maximum efficiency, not on a personal power struggle or someone’s narcissistic ambitions.”

Politico previously reported in January that the EU was considering appointing a special representative for Ukraine negotiations. At the time, the initiative drew support from several European leaders, including French President Emmanuel Macron and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni.

Putin said he was ready to negotiate with European countries, but asserted that Europe had “no peace agenda” and stood “on the side of war”.

The Russian leader also named former German chancellor Gerhard Schröder as Moscow’s preferred negotiator from Europe.

Kallas ruled out such an appointment, noting that Schröder was “a lobbyist for Russian state companies” and would sit “on both sides of the negotiating table”.

Stubb details obstacles to talks and Oslo diplomatic drive

Finnish President Alexander Stubb said the principal obstacle to ending the war between Russia and Ukraine was the territorial issue.

Stubb took part in talks in Oslo with US envoy Steve Witkoff, who subsequently travelled to Saint Petersburg to meet Vladimir Putin.

As reported by the newspaper Helsingin Sanomat, Stubb stated that advancing the peace process required either bilateral talks between Russia and Ukraine or trilateral negotiations involving the US.

The Finnish president listed the other major items to be addressed within a settlement as US security guarantees for Ukraine and the construction of a new European security architecture after the war ends.

Without stating it outright, Stubb implied that the core issue within this framework was Ukraine’s NATO membership. The Finnish leader pointed to monitoring the ceasefire, establishing the line of contact, ensuring energy and food security, and exchanging prisoners as practical tasks.

Stubb also detailed the talks held in Oslo on 20 October, which included Witkoff, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, and Norwegian Prime Minister Jonas Gahr Støre.

The discussions, which spanned approximately eight hours across various formats, had three objectives: to lower tensions in public discourse, to convey European and Ukrainian proposals to the US envoy before his visit to Russia, and to determine the next steps toward a peaceful settlement. Stubb announced that these goals had been achieved.

Moscow ready to resume trilateral talks in November

Witkoff met Putin in Saint Petersburg on Wednesday.

Following the meeting, Russian presidential aide Yuriy Ushakov announced that Moscow was prepared to resume trilateral negotiations with the US and Ukraine during the first half of November.

Ushakov also said that the EU and NATO had begun to “take a more serious approach” to Kremlin proposals on Ukraine, adding that “matters” were moving toward an end to the conflict.

Witkoff described the meeting as “constructive”.

Sources told Bloomberg in September that Putin continued to insist the Donetsk region must come fully under Russian control, expressing confidence that the territory would be captured within the next six months.

Putin previously set conditions for ending the war, demanding that Ukraine abandon plans to join NATO, maintain a neutral and non-nuclear status, and that anti-Russian sanctions be lifted.

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Trump midterms calculus halts Israeli strike plan against Iran

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A comprehensive military operation planned by the Israeli military for 10 October did not take place because US President Donald Trump chose to avoid a broad conflict before the 3 November congressional midterm elections.

Preparations had been made on the orders of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu for an aerial bombardment meant to last several days, according to a report by the Financial Times citing sources familiar with the matter.

The list of targets included nuclear facilities and locations associated with the Iranian leadership, along with power stations and other civilian infrastructure sites.

The planned strikes were projected to exceed the joint operation launched by the US and Israel in February in terms of intensity.

White House Deputy Press Secretary Anna Kelly told the newspaper: “The United States is not going to strike Iran at any point before the midterms.”

Kelly argued that the administration in Tehran was in distress both economically and militarily, adding that the blockade imposed on Iranian ports and US efforts to secure oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz were producing results.

Speaking to the newspaper, one source addressed the possibility of strikes resuming in the coming weeks, saying: “There’s either going to be a deal or a strike.”

The same source reported that Washington aims for a comprehensive settlement that resolves the conflict over both the Strait of Hormuz and the nuclear programme, although it remained unclear whether the US would have participated directly in the cancelled operation.

Another source said the preparations for the operation might have served as leverage to pressure Tehran in negotiations, adding that the final decision on any new military step rests with the US president.

Hegseth reviews updated target list in Israel

An Israeli official said US Secretary of War Pete Hegseth visited Israel on 19 October to meet with Netanyahu and senior representatives.

Another source stated that the Israeli side presented an updated target list to its American counterparts, compiled with fresh intelligence and incorporating civilian infrastructure sites that had not been struck earlier this year.

The Pentagon did not respond to questions regarding the meetings, while Netanyahu’s office and the Israeli military declined to comment.

Despite the postponement of the operation, Trump and Netanyahu continued to issue military warnings to Iran in public.

In a video released on 19 October, Netanyahu addressed Trump, saying: “Donald, you said we need to finish this, and we will finish it together.” Speaking on speakerphone, Trump responded: “You’re a great warrior, and we’re going to prove it very soon.”

These engagements between the leaders coincide with critical election cycles in both countries.

Parliamentary elections in Israel are scheduled for 27 October, one week before the vote in the US.

Most public opinion polls in the country show the opposition bloc holding a narrow lead over Netanyahu’s coalition, though neither side commands a clear majority.

Axios, a US-based news outlet, previously reported that the Pentagon instructed military planners to finalize strike plans against Iran, though the directive specified no date and Trump had not reached a final decision.

On 15 October, CNN reported on plans to use the GBU-43/B munition, known as the “mother of all bombs”, against Iranian nuclear facilities, with US officials who spoke to the broadcaster expressing scepticism about the weapon’s ability to destroy deep bunkers.

While Tehran announced that it remains open to a diplomatic solution, it declared that any potential operation would draw a fierce response.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi stressed that if its adversaries chose military conflict, the response would be “much harsher than before”.

Following the joint operation launched by the US and Israel on 28 February, Iran retaliated by striking targets across the region and restricting maritime passage through the Strait of Hormuz.

Although the parties reached an agreement in June covering a ceasefire and negotiations to lift the blockade in the strait, reciprocal strikes between the US and Iran have not ceased.

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