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US secures multi-billion-dollar energy and AI deals at Three Seas summit in Dubrovnik

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A struggle for influence is intensifying between the European Union and the United States in Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe, with the “Three Seas Initiative” (3SI) emerging as a primary arena for this geopolitical contest.

An analysis published by German Foreign Policy reveals that Western European nations and the EU are increasingly positioning renewable energy as a strategic counterweight to US liquefied natural gas (LNG) deliveries in the region.

At a 3SI summit convened in late April in the Croatian coastal city of Dubrovnik, representatives from the Trump administration met with officials from the 13 EU member states that comprise the initiative. The parties agreed on a series of new projects spanning energy supply, pipelines, artificial intelligence (AI), and digital infrastructure.

The immediate focus of these talks centred on new natural gas interconnectors for South-Eastern Europe and a massive AI project in Croatia carrying an estimated investment volume of €50 billion.

Originally established to modernise and expand infrastructure between the Baltic, Adriatic and Black Seas, the initiative has increasingly transformed into a vehicle for American power projection in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe.

Energy policy remains the critical battleground: whilst the Trump administration seeks to lock in long-term US LNG export markets, the EU is pushing to pivot the region towards renewable energy. Notably, investments targeting renewable energy systems were also approved during the Dubrovnik proceedings.

A brief history of the Three Seas Initiative

The Three Seas Initiative was launched in 2015 by Polish President Andrzej Duda and Croatian President Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović, holding its inaugural summit in Dubrovnik in August 2016. The platform comprises 13 EU member states stretching from the Baltic nations (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) through the Visegrád Group (Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia) and Austria, down to Croatia, Romania, Bulgaria and Greece.

Albania, Montenegro, Ukraine and Moldova have subsequently associated themselves with the platform.

The initiative derives its name from its geographical objective: linking the Baltic, Adriatic and Black Seas through the territory of its member countries.

The creation of the 3SI was heavily driven by the United States. US strategists drew direct inspiration from an interwar Polish foreign policy concept formulated by Marshal Józef Piłsudski. Piłsudski’s “Intermarium” plan sought to unite Eastern European nations—spanning from the Baltic states to Yugoslavia and Romania—into a geopolitical bloc designed to act as an anti-Soviet bulwark.

In late 2014, the US think tank the Atlantic Council, collaborating with Central Europe Energy Partners (CEEP)—a lobby group representing energy companies in Poland, Lithuania and Romania—published an influential analysis. The report focused on developing a “North-South Corridor” extending from the Baltic Sea to the Adriatic and Black Seas.

The founding documents of the Three Seas Initiative explicitly reference this American strategic blueprint.

Washington has spent years utilising the 3SI to consolidate and expand its influence over the participant states. The cornerstone of this strategy is energy policy, specifically aimed at substituting imports of Russian pipeline gas with US-sourced LNG.

A North-South corridor to bypass the East-West axis

To achieve this geopolitical shift, the Three Seas Initiative seeks to expand the infrastructure of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe by adding robust north-south transport and energy links. Since 1990, infrastructural development in the region had run predominantly on an east-west axis, prioritising integration with Germany at the heart of the EU.

Constructing a north-south network will not only facilitate the distribution of US LNG imported via Adriatic and Baltic ports, but also foster a more autonomous regional infrastructure. By reducing reliance on road and rail networks terminates in Germany, the project threatens a significant dilution of Berlin’s economic and political leverage in the region.

Following the EU’s commitment to phase out Russian gas imports entirely by 2027, the strategic weight of LNG terminals and their corresponding north-south pipelines has steadily grown.

This structural dependency is visible within Germany itself. According to the Federal Ministry for Economic Affairs and Climate Action, approximately 96% of the LNG imported via German North Sea and Baltic terminals in 2025 originated from the US. This US supply accounts for 10.3% of Germany’s total gas imports.

German-American friction in South-Eastern Europe

The struggle for influence in Eastern Europe, and the decisive role of energy transit within it, was recently illustrated by a leadership crisis in Bosnia and Herzegovina surrounding the German diplomat Christian Schmidt, the international community’s High Representative.

Schmidt’s eventual resignation was precipitated by intense political maneuvering between certain Western European nations—led by Germany—and the Trump administration, which has been actively pursuing gas and raw material agreements in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Having successfully pressured Schmidt to step down, the US proposed Italian diplomat Antonio Zanardi Landi as his successor. The nomination served to drive a wedge between EU member states, with Germany opposing Washington’s preferred candidate whilst Italy offered its support. President Trump warned that Washington would halt financial assistance to Bosnia and Herzegovina if the US plans were thwarted.

The move aligns with a new US strategy for South-Eastern Europe submitted by the Trump administration to Congress in May. The updated policy pivots away from “democracy promotion,” focusing instead on security and securing market access for American corporations.

Historically, Bosnia and Herzegovina has relied on Russian natural gas delivered via the TurkStream pipeline. Washington aims to replace this supply with US LNG imported through a terminal on the Croatian island of Krk.

The proposed infrastructure plans involve constructing a new pipeline extension into Bosnia and Herzegovina, to be built by US engineering firm Bechtel alongside AAFS Infrastructure and Energy. Schmidt had increasingly been viewed by US officials as an obstacle to these plans.

A victory for the Trump administration at the 3SI summit

In late April, Dubrovnik hosted the 10th anniversary summit of the 3SI alongside an aligned Business Forum. The event drew high-level participation, including seven presidents and prime ministers from 3SI member states, numerous cabinet ministers, and senior representatives from the Trump administration.

At the forum, the US successfully leveraged multi-billion-dollar energy and technology projects to entrench its footprint in South-Eastern Europe.

US Secretary of Energy Chris Wright declared in Dubrovnik: “The United States is ushering in a new era of cooperation for Central and Eastern Europe. This partnership is built on our mutual support for an aggressive energy expansion agenda.”

To formalise this initiative, Wright, Croatian Prime Minister Andrej Plenković and the Chairwoman of the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Borjana Krišto, signed a memorandum of understanding to launch the “Trump Peace Pipelines Framework”.

The agreement directly advances the “Southern Interconnection” project, which will link Bosnia and Herzegovina’s gas grid to the Croatian network and the Krk island LNG terminal.

At the summit, Polish Climate and Environment Minister Miłosz Motyka also emphasized the region’s commitment to expanding nuclear energy, calling it the “cornerstone of our new security architecture.”

Parallel to these energy agreements, American investors announced plans to build a massive AI and data centre hub in Croatia. The Pantheon Atlas investment group signed a memorandum of understanding with the Croatian firm Končar Group to construct an AI campus.

The total investment is projected at approximately €50 billion—a sum exceeding half of Croatia’s annual gross domestic product (GDP).

The gigawatt-scale power capacity required to run the data centre is comparable to the electricity demand of a major metropolitan area like Zagreb. To meet its current power requirements, Croatia relies heavily on natural gas, much of which is imported through the Krk LNG terminal.

Foreign policy implications of the energy transition

The Dubrovnik summit also marked the establishment of a new regional infrastructure fund. The vehicle is designed to finance joint investments in hydrogen production, cross-border transport infrastructure, renewable energy systems and electrical grid expansion, with at least €2 billion earmarked for initial projects.

By comparison, more than €4 billion was invested in natural gas infrastructure within the region between 2016 and 2025.

This gradual shift toward renewable energy introduces a distinct foreign policy dynamic. While LNG supplies are overwhelmingly dominated by imports from the US, the hardware and technology required to deploy renewable energy infrastructure do not carry the same transatlantic dependency. In the vast majority of cases, this technology is manufactured and supplied from within Europe itself.

Europe

CDU unrest raises doubts over Merz’s future as chancellor

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Germany’s Chancellor Friedrich Merz is facing mounting unrest within his Christian Democratic Union (CDU), with party figures reportedly beginning to push for a change in leadership.

According to Der Spiegel, frustration is growing among influential party members who believe Merz has repeatedly failed to capitalize on political opportunities.

One senior party figure quoted by the magazine said: “The ball is sitting on the penalty spot, the opposing goalkeeper is nowhere in sight, yet Merz somehow manages to score an own goal.”

Der Spiegel added: “It appears there is little hope left within the CDU that Merz can climb out of the hole he has dug for himself.”

After speaking with the chancellor’s allies and figures from the CDU leadership circle, the magazine said the interviews painted the picture of a party that has lost confidence in Merz.

“This is unprecedented in post-war German history. When CDU Chancellor Ludwig Erhard was removed by his own party in 1966, the process unfolded slowly and gradually over several months. In Merz’s case, however, it has been possible to watch his authority collapse within just a few days. And the person dragging him down is not his party colleagues, but himself.”

The CDU has already been on edge after trailing the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in opinion polls for months. The situation has now been compounded by what Der Spiegel described as the “Merz fiasco”.

According to the magazine, even within the CDU’s highest leadership circles, almost no one would now bet that the chancellor will remain in office until Christmas.

According to Politico, public criticism of Merz has come primarily from figures who were removed from government during the cabinet reshuffle.

The leadership issue, however, has not yet been raised openly because of the summer recess.

Elections are due in three eastern German states: Saxony-Anhalt, Berlin and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. Polling points to a disastrous outcome for the CDU.

One prominent Christian Democrat wrote: “Things I once thought unimaginable are happening. Merz is in a tunnel; he can no longer reach the party. Everything is over.”

The same CDU figure believes Merz will either have to throw in the towel or be forced to resign by 21 September at the latest.

That date refers to the Monday following the twin elections in Berlin and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania.

The collapse in confidence surrounding Merz has followed this chronology. On Saturday, 18 July, parliamentary group leader Jens Spahn resigned.

Just three days earlier, Spahn had announced through the Bild newspaper that he and his husband had welcomed a son born through a surrogate mother in the US.

For Merz, this presented a completely unexpected opportunity. He had never trusted Spahn but had hoped he could keep him under control after becoming chancellor.

In recent months, however, the parliamentary group leader had become one of the coalition’s central figures by taking advantage of what the article describes as Merz’s weak leadership.

Nothing moved without him. Spahn had effectively become the CDU’s second most powerful figure.

The chancellor was unhappy with that situation, but Spahn’s resignation suddenly removed the problem on its own. Merz had already been planning a cabinet reshuffle for the autumn.

The chancellor is also reported to have been dissatisfied with several cabinet members and, according to the article, to have displayed a certain “arrogance” in meetings with subordinates.

For example, during an executive board meeting in Rhineland-Palatinate, a letter became public stating that the CDU parliamentary group in the state legislature had cancelled its meeting with Merz because “the minimum level of mutual trust and respect” no longer existed. According to the article, such an insult had never occurred before.

Participants at last week’s Presidium and Executive Committee meetings all noticed the tense atmosphere.

Some believe the CDU leader has “buried himself deep inside his own tunnel” and “is no longer even aware of how serious his situation has become”.

According to later accounts from the group, Rhineland-Palatinate Minister-President Gordon Schnieder even accused the chancellor of lacking professionalism.

What happens next? According to Der Spiegel, the party leadership is avoiding that question. No scenarios are being discussed, even in small groups.

“They do not want to invite disaster. Especially now, when everyone is looking forward to the summer break. Right now, nobody needs a change of chancellor. But nobody believes Merz still has a future as head of government.”

After the elections in eastern Germany, some argue that Merz should be forced to resign.

According to the report, if three experienced state premiers were to advise the chancellor to step down for the good of both the country and the party, Merz would almost certainly comply, or at least that is what his team believes. Even so, they are not entirely certain.

Following such a resignation, North Rhine-Westphalia Minister-President Hendrik Wust is expected to step in. He is the only figure mentioned as a potential successor to Merz.

CSU leader Markus Soeder is reportedly considered unacceptable to the CDU, while the idea that CSU Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt could become chancellor is described as absurd. As a result, the task would fall to Wust.

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Germany lays groundwork for civilian alternative as conscription looms

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In Germany, the Ministry for Family Affairs has already begun working on the revitalization of alternative civilian service, which serves as a constitutionally mandated prerequisite for the reintroduction of compulsory military service.

The federal government is taking measures to implement a new civilian service system in the event that mandatory military service is restored.

The Federal Ministry for Family Affairs confirmed that over recent months it surveyed 23 major associations and organizations regarding the types of opportunities they could offer to conscientious objectors should compulsory military service be reinstated.

A ministry spokesperson stated: “22 out of the 23 associations indicated that, in the event that the military obligation is reactivated, their infrastructure and placements are in principle ready, and they could offer a wide variety of opportunities to those performing civilian service in lieu of military service.”

Thorsten Frei, parliamentary secretary of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU) faction in the Bundestag, considers taking precautions against the potential entry into force of a new civilian service to be “very sensible and correct.”

Speaking to the channels RTL and ntv, the CDU politician noted that there is currently no new development in the discussions regarding a return to military service.

However, Frei emphasized: “We can never rule out that decisions may need to be taken quickly to prepare for all contingencies. In that case, the resulting consequences must also be clear.”

Criticism regarding the potential reintroduction of compulsory civilian service has emerged from the opposition.

Ines Schwerdtner, co-leader of The Left party, stressed that “the state should not dictate to young people how they ought to spend a year of their lives.” This principle, she asserted, applies as much to compulsory civilian service as it does to compulsory military service.

According to Schwerdtner, young people should not be used “to fill the gaps in a welfare state that the federal government has spent years ruining through austerity policies.”

In statements to the Funke Media Group, the party chair emphasized that there is no need for “state-mandated cheap labor” in care services, emergency rescue services, or social institutions.

Martin Hagen, Secretary General of the Free Democratic Party (FDP), views the preparations by the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs as an admission of failure by the CDU-SPD coalition government.

Pointing out that plans for a new civilian service are already being drawn up, Hagen stated that this demonstrates the coalition government has “zero confidence in its efforts to reach the target personnel numbers for the Bundeswehr through voluntary enlistment.”

Hagen criticized the CDU/CSU and SPD for failing to “make the Bundeswehr an attractive employer and to inspire young people toward military service.”

The Social Association of Germany (SoVD) also expressed concern, presenting arguments similar to those of Left Party leader Schwerdtner.

Michaela Engelmeier, Chairwoman of the SoVD Executive Board, stated that compulsory civilian service would represent a major intervention by the state in the freedom and life plans of young people.

She likewise warned that a new civilian service could be abused to obtain cheap labor and to substitute for regular employment. Instead of focusing on a new civilian service, she argued that the federal government ought to strengthen voluntary work.

According to junge Welt (jW), the German media is applauding this step, with some outlets now demanding further forms of compulsory service not merely for youth, but for everyone.

As the newspaper Neue Ruhr Zeitung (NRZ) acknowledged, the government’s plans imply that “the implementation of general conscription is drawing near.”

It is argued that these compulsory services are necessary “due to the threat originating from Russia and NATO’s shifting objectives.”

The newspaper Die Rheinpfalz expressed regret that the “voluntary community service year” is “unfortunately being overlooked” in the current debate, while echoing the German government’s rationale:

“Ever since the hope for everlasting peace in Europe was shattered by Russia’s brutal attack on Ukraine, Germany once again requires more soldiers.”

Arguing that this idea is “more logical today than ever,” the newspaper continued:

“Everyone devotes a few months to society between school, vocational training, and university. Naturally, it remains up to each individual to decide whether that time is spent in the military, or in a hospital, a care home, or a fire station.”

Even within Redaktionsnetzwerk Deutschland (RND), the prevailing view is that rather than merely debating a new civilian service program for conscientious objectors, a “fundamental and comprehensive debate regarding a period of social service or a general mandatory service year” should be initiated.

The deputy head of RND’s Berlin bureau states that compulsory service requires “public acceptance.” The “enormous potential of a universal mandatory service year” and the “certainty of personally contributing to the country’s security and stability” are highlighted as significant justifications driving Germany toward a new mandatory conscription turning point.

RND writes that women as well as men, and older adults alongside young people, would be included in this framework, adding that people could finally “do something for the state—and consequently for themselves.”

Compulsory military service was suspended in July 2011, which in practice meant the abolition of both military and civilian service. Civilian service was replaced by the Federal Voluntary Service.

At the beginning of this year, a new military service framework came into effect. The foundation of this arrangement relies on a mandatory health examination for young men born in 2008 and later. Through this mechanism, the aim is to recruit volunteers to strengthen the armed forces.

Should target capacity ranges fail to be met, the Bundestag may enact a decision on “need-based mandatory conscription.”

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European carmakers turn to Chinese rivals to salvage struggling plants

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European carmakers, struggling with severe headwinds and halted assembly lines across numerous plants, are turning to Chinese rivals to salvage their operations.

A report by the Financial Times outlines the perilous situation facing factories across the continent, particularly in Italy.

The sprawling Fiat automobile plant in Cassino, located 130 km southeast of Rome and once an engine of the local economy, has taken on a desolate, near-abandoned atmosphere.

The facility’s 2,200 employees are summoned to work only a few days a month. In the first half of 2026, the plant produced just 6,700 cars, representing a minuscule fraction of its annual capacity of 300,000 units.

Denise Tisci, a 40-year-old mother of three who has worked at the plant since 2007, has not worked a shift since May and relies on a government temporary lay-off scheme alongside her colleagues.

“We have cut back on many things, even basic, simple things like taking the children out for a pizza,” Tisci said. “Having to look our children in the face is deeply humiliating.”

Fiat workers expect Stellantis, the automaker’s parent company, to seek a Chinese solution for the Cassino plant, mirroring its recent agreements in Spain and France with Leapmotor and Dongfeng.

This situation is not unique to Fiat, as a growing number of European carmakers turn to Chinese competitors to resolve issues caused in part by their rapid expansion into the region.

Emanuele Cappellano, head of European operations at Stellantis, told the Financial Times regarding the company’s recent partnerships in China:

“This is not just a way to survive and catch up with our new rivals, but also an opportunity to boost sales volume and achieve growth in Europe.”

A total closure of the group’s Italian factories has been ruled out, and Cappellano noted that a solution for Cassino will be found by the end of the year.

As the company seeks a partner to revitalize its struggling Maserati brand, a likely scenario involves collaborating with a Chinese group with which it already maintains ties.

This could involve either its electric vehicle (EV) joint-venture partner Leapmotor or state-owned Dongfeng.

“Any partner that moves its production to these factories is not a problem for us. The crisis in the automotive sector is impacting the entire economy,” said Enzo Salera, Mayor of Cassino, adding that local retailers and restaurants have also been severely affected.

European automotive production accounts for approximately 7% of the continent’s GDP and provides employment to roughly 14 million people.

With regional car sales remaining roughly 3 million units below pre-pandemic levels and Chinese rivals capturing market share, other companies have begun adopting new strategies to survive.

Nissan is collaborating with Chery in the UK, Volkswagen continues discussions with Xpeng, and Ford has signed an agreement with Geely in Spain.

Jim Baumbick, head of Ford in Europe, remarked last week while announcing the collaboration with Geely: “The environment in Europe has changed forever. The objective is to achieve the lowest possible cost.”

According to AlixPartners, plant utilization rates in the European automotive sector are running below 60%, leaving a total production capacity of approximately 2.5 million vehicles potentially idle.

Stellantis is doubling down on a strategy that some industry executives view as a short-term fix, but one that could prove self-destructive if local supply chains and technological know-how are not reinforced.

Stellantis has invited Leapmotor and Dongfeng to manufacture models at its facilities in Spain and France.

The Dongfeng agreement was broadly welcomed by French workers because it could help save a 1960s-era plant in Rennes, Brittany.

Like many other Stellantis plants in the country, the Rennes facility had been reduced to a single assembly line, with surrounding land sold off.

Laurent Oechsel, a representative of the French CFE-CGC union at Stellantis, asked: “Right now, Chinese-made cars are sitting in our ports. Do we want to keep fighting against this as the textile sector once did, or do we want to continue producing cars in France alongside the Chinese?”

The challenge for European policymakers, carmakers, and trade unions is to ensure that manufacturing partnerships preserve employment while bolstering the region’s supply chains with Chinese technology.

Currently, many Chinese vehicles marketed as being produced in Europe are equipped primarily with parts manufactured in China and shipped to the EU for final assembly.

Adolfo Urso, Italy’s Minister of Industry, told the Financial Times:

“If the objective is to establish a technological industrial partnership that can fill the factory, keep it viable, and help protect the supply chain, that is welcome. Provided, of course, that people come to Italy to produce, not merely to assemble.”

While partnerships are common among carmakers, European manufacturers hope to learn how to produce cars faster and more cheaply through Chinese alliances.

In return, Chinese brands want to scale up European manufacturing ahead of strict new local content rules that Brussels plans to enforce in mid-2027, aimed at driving investment into the continent, creating new jobs, and enabling technology and skills transfers.

Under the Industrial Accelerator Act, the EU proposes a 70% local content threshold for car parts to qualify for subsidies or public procurement. Local battery production is also expected to commence in the future.

Major uncertainties remain regarding the extent to which Chinese companies will transfer technological know-how and intellectual property rights, as well as how quickly they will begin utilizing European-sourced components.

In Spain, where the government successfully persuaded Chinese companies such as battery maker CATL, Chery, and SAIC (owner of MG) to set up factories, no guarantees have yet been secured regarding technology transfers or the proportion of local labor and components to be used.

Deep concern prevails across the automotive supply chain, where component manufacturers employ twice as many workers as carmakers.

“Those of us working in the supply chain could be at risk,” said Marco Leone, 62, an employee at a firm manufacturing sheet metal fenders for the Cassino plant.

Similar concerns surround Nissan’s agreement to share production at its Sunderland plant with Chery starting next year.

Sources familiar with the discussions stated that three models would be produced for the Chinese group, which also owns the Jaecoo and Omoda brands.

Ian Henry, an automotive manufacturing expert who leads the consultancy AutoAnalysis, warned: “Suppose that in the first year, the cars are essentially produced from kits originating in China. That is great for workers on the assembly line, but not necessarily as beneficial for employees in Nissan’s press shop, body shop, and paint shop, or for local tier-one suppliers.”

Henry added that Chery would need to rapidly increase its localization rate to export to the EU, but the timeline remains uncertain, and discussions continue over whether UK-produced cars will be included within the “Made in Europe” framework.

A source close to the talks noted that the higher cost of utilizing UK suppliers also presents an obstacle.

Chinese automotive executives stress their commitment to using local supply chains, while acknowledging that the transition will not occur overnight.

Charlie Zhang, executive vice president of Chery International, told the Financial Times:

“Localization is a gradual process; it is measured not by the calendar, but by the maturity of supply chains, cost structures, and our readiness to become part of the local industrial ecosystem.”

Analysts argue that sluggish demand in China and the pressure to boost exports represent the primary obstacles to localization in Europe.

With the government pressing manufacturers to utilize idle capacity, China’s global exports are projected to rise by 41% this year, exceeding 10 million units.

Thomas Besson, head of automotive research at Kepler Cheuvreux, noted: “Because domestic demand in China has fallen well short of expectations, the pressure on Chinese automakers to export is far greater. Despite frequently expressing their intentions, Chinese carmakers have not yet begun producing significant volumes of vehicles in Europe.”

The “Made in Europe” proposals will further drive up car manufacturing costs in Europe, potentially forcing some Chinese producers with smaller sales volumes to forgo European subsidies and continue exporting in the near term.

A senior executive at a Chinese carmaker stated: “If it becomes financially too expensive, we will pay the tariff and continue shipping cars [from China].”

For certain Chinese carmakers like BYD, joint ventures make little strategic sense.

Stella Li, top executive for international operations at BYD, described a joint venture as “impossible,” stating: “I think it is better to manage on our own. Asking for permission is very difficult. We make our decisions in five minutes.”

BYD plans to commence mass production of its vehicles in Hungary by the end of this year. However, the “Made in Europe” proposal has prompted the company to seek a second site in Spain or France before completing its factory in Türkiye as previously announced.

Not all European carmakers are pursuing Chinese partnerships. Some analysts argue that companies operating independently can react faster to market shifts, with no guarantee that Chinese partners will succeed in Europe.

“I believe companies that remain independent retain far greater control,” said JPMorgan analyst Jose Asumendi.

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