America
Inside the European and US alliances of Venezuelan opposition leader Machado
Nobel Peace Prize laureate and Venezuelan opposition figure María Corina Machado has many friends in Europe, in addition to US President Donald Trump and his Latin American allies.
For example, the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, which has close ties to the Free Democrats (FDP), the junior partner in Germany’s previous “traffic light” coalition, stated that it is “proud” to have been cooperating “intensively for years” with the right-wing Machado and her supporters.
Machado, who has been involved in several coup attempts in Venezuela and has defended American sanctions against her country, also works with the Patriots for Europe (PfE), a right-wing alliance in the European Parliament (EP) that includes Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (RN) and Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party.
The PfE event in September, where Machado also gave a speech, was held under the slogan “The Reconquista begins.” “Reconquista” (reconquest) is the name given to the efforts and aims of Christians on the Iberian Peninsula during the Al-Andalus period to eliminate the Muslim presence there.
She was also involved in the coup against Chávez
Hailing from a wealthy and conservative business family in Caracas, the capital of Venezuela, María Corina Machado has always been part of the far-right wing of the opposition against Presidents Hugo Chávez (1999-2013) and Nicolás Maduro (since 2013).
Machado’s signature even appeared on the Carmona Decree of April 12, 2002, which dissolved the parliament and the Supreme Court and suspended numerous other officials following the coup against Chávez.
According to a report in the Wall Street Journal, Machado was one of four activists from the right-wing Venezuelan opposition who attempted a coup in 2019 by unilaterally declaring parliament speaker Juan Guaidó as president.
At the time, this attempt was openly supported by Germany and the EU; the US recognized Guaidó as president, but the plan ultimately failed.
Machado has always maintained close relations with the US. At the end of May 2005, she was received at the White House by US President George W. Bush, with whom she reportedly had a meeting lasting about an hour.
The German foundation connection: Dirty coups in Latin America
She also has good relations with the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, which is close to the FDP and recently stated it was “proud to have worked closely with Machado and her supporters for many years.”
The Friedrich Naumann Foundation has been connected to Machado’s party, Vente Venezuela, since 2017 through the RELIAL (Red Liberal de América Latina) network.
RELIAL was founded in 2004 at the initiative of the Friedrich Naumann Foundation and continues to receive its support. The network brings together right-wing liberal organizations from across Latin America, each representing the interests of the subcontinent’s “old white elites.”
RELIAL members have occasionally been involved in coups. Officials from the RELIAL member Partido Liberal de Honduras (PLH) played a leading role in the coup in Tegucigalpa in June 2009.
The Partido Liberal Radical Auténtico (PLRA) in Paraguay was also a member of RELIAL when its leader, Federico Franco, seized power in Asunción in June 2012.
The right-wing ‘Venezuela Coalition’ in the EU had awarded Machado
Before receiving the Nobel Peace Prize, Machado had received the European Parliament’s “Sakharov Prize” as a result of a vote that helped establish a far-right parliamentary majority.
Prior to this, in September 2024, the EP had adopted a resolution recognizing Edmundo González, the candidate who lost the Venezuelan election on July 28, 2024, as the winner.
The resolution was proposed by the “center-right” European People’s Party (EPP) and the nationalist-conservative European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), which includes Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy (FdI) party.
The resolution secured a majority thanks to the support of several members of the right-wing Europe of Sovereign Nations (ESN) group, led by PfE and AfD.
When the Parliament voted on the Sakharov Prize in October 2024, González and Machado received it only with the support of the ECR and PfE.
Since then, the majority that brings together all shades of the right, supported by the EPP, ECR, PfE, and partly the ESN, has been dubbed the “Venezuela coalition.”
Christian conqueror ideology in the heart of Europe
Machado has intensified her cooperation with PfE this year. For example, on February 8, she participated via video conference in a major PfE event in Madrid titled “Make Europe Great Again.”
The event was organized by the Spanish party Vox, which has good relations with the far-right in Latin America. At the February 8 event, which was also attended by Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and Marine Le Pen, reports indicate that “all speakers made harsh criticisms against immigrants” and “most called for a new ‘Reconquista’.”
At the end of May, Machado participated, again via video conference, in this year’s Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) event in Hungary.
Machado also joined another major event organized by Vox in Madrid on September 13-14, Europa Viva, with a video speech.
At the meeting, held under the slogan “The Reconquista Begins,” Vox leader Santiago Abascal criticized the “caliphate of Brussels,” referring to the European Commission. Argentine President Javier Milei also delivered a video speech at the meeting.
In response, on October 10, PfE congratulated Nobel Peace Prize laureate Machado, stating that she is a “special inspiration for everyone” who “fights by peaceful means for the triumph of justice and freedom.”
The link between Machado and Likud: The new European right
Israel’s ruling party, Likud, which Machado is associated with, also holds observer status in PfE.
Machado and her party, Vente Venezuela, have long expanded their contacts with the Israeli right wing. On July 21, 2020, Machado, representing Vente Venezuela, and Eli Vered Hazan, representing Likud, signed an “Inter-Party Agreement” in which they declared their intention to form an “alliance” with each other.
On February 26 of this year, the president’s son, Donald Trump Jr., released a podcast in which he interviewed Machado. Machado has not spoken with the president himself, at least since he took office, but she has had detailed discussions with leading officials from the US State Department, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio.
Machado approves of the actions of the Trump administration, which has greatly increased pressure on Venezuela since taking office and has had the US military sink several Venezuelan ships on the unproven pretext that they belonged to drug cartels.
When asked if she agreed with this, despite the undisputed fact that Venezuelan citizens were killed in the process, Machado reiterated that she thought the “elimination of this criminal infrastructure” was a good thing.
Machado has described Trump as “the greatest opportunity they have ever had.”
Indeed, after receiving the Nobel Prize, Machado reported that she called Trump to express her thanks and also said that Trump would “deserve” the award next year.
America
Thiel targets Pope and Obama over AI in new ‘Antichrist’ lectures
Peter Thiel has argued that former President Barack Obama and Pope Leo XIV are stoking public fears over artificial intelligence merely to enhance their own popularity.
In newly disclosed “Antichrist” lectures obtained by Politico, Thiel specifically targeted the two leaders while warning against the Antichrist, which he sees as halting technological progress and advocating a regulatory “one-world government”.
“A lot of people know that AI is politically unpopular, and they want to use that to boost their own popularity,” Thiel reportedly said during his address in Nashville.
Thiel continued:
“Both Obama and the pope fall into this category. Obama knows that Democrats have no ideas, but at least they can oppose AI.”
Obama recently called on Democrats to develop a comprehensive approach to the regulation of artificial intelligence.
Referring to Leo’s first encyclical on AI, “Magnifica Humanitas”, Thiel said: “The Church needed a politically popular issue to divert attention from child sexual abuse scandals, and it found it in AI.”
On the pontiff, he stated verbatim:
“AI is the greatest threat to late modernity. The pope realizes this. That is why he wrote his first encyclical… The Church needed a politically popular issue to divert attention from child sexual abuse scandals, and it found it in AI.”
In recent months, Pope Leo has gone on the offensive against artificial intelligence. The leader of the Catholic world recently said that this technology could create a “paradise of machines” that could endanger humanity.
Thiel’s relationship with the Catholic Church is fraught. This spring, largely in response to Thiel’s earlier lectures on the “Antichrist”, Vatican adviser Father Paolo Benanti penned an article entitled “The American Heresy: Should We Burn Peter Thiel?”
Throughout the lectures, Thiel framed familiar technology debates in religious terms.
Citing Matthew 24:24, for instance, the investor quoted:
“For false christs and false prophets will arise and perform great signs and wonders, so as to deceive, if possible, even the elect.”
Regarding this verse, he asked in Nashville: “And what about the psychology of the Antichrist? Could he see himself as the Christ?”
In his Nashville lectures, he also delved into the concept of the “Katechon”, drawn from the Second Epistle to the Thessalonians, which restrains the arrival and rise to power of the Antichrist.
Figures who may have briefly assumed the role of the Katechon throughout history included Charlemagne and Klemens von Metternich.
“If anti-communism is the Katechon holding back communists trying to create a communist one-world state, then neoliberalism is anti-communism in a world without communists,” Thiel said.
In both San Francisco and Nashville, Thiel devoted a significant portion of his opening lecture to addressing “effective altruism”.
This ideology rests on the premise that human beings should always act to minimise existential risk to the species and maximise positive long-term impact.
Many effective altruists and affiliated groups are based in San Francisco and work on artificial intelligence research.
In Nashville, Thiel criticised their ideas. This stance reflects the fact that they have dominated much of the recent AI safety debate, showing Thiel’s concern over the growing influence of this group.
Thiel stated:
“One reason [the effective altruists’] strategy works, of course, is that an apocalypse is impossible to undo. You only have one planet. Even Greta [Thunberg] was right about that. … So you can’t just ignore the risks. But we must also take seriously that when you establish a near-totalitarian one-world government empowered to stop all dangerous scientific work, undoing that will not be easy either… There is no historical example suggesting this global warden would willingly surrender power. Effective altruist ideology has brainwashed a significant portion of the people working on AI.”
The remarks delivered by Thiel in his lectures on 28 September and on Monday provide a rare glimpse into the conservative tech billionaire’s shifting political priorities over time.
Thiel’s opposition to regulation is not new. That perspective is widely shared among Silicon Valley venture capitalists.
What distinguishes Thiel from his peers in the conservative tech sector is his decision to frame political disputes in religious terms while simultaneously attacking the leader of the Catholic Church.
This shift could reverberate across the political arena. Thiel was an early backer of President Donald Trump and served as a major financial sponsor of Vice President JD Vance’s transition from venture capital into politics.
Politico noted that Thiel’s attacks on the church could complicate matters for Vance, a Catholic convert.
Democrats positioning themselves for the 2028 presidential election have already begun targeting Vance over his ties to the billionaire investor.
America
Energy firms enlist ex-US officials to tap Venezuelan oil
Service in the US administration has become one of the most valuable assets opening doors in the search for fresh profits across the Venezuelan energy sector.
Following the protracted crisis that ultimately brought the Venezuelan oil sector under substantial supervision by Washington, investors are enlisting former government officials who possess an intimate understanding of policy toward the country and maintain official contacts.
According to a report by The Washington Post (WP), energy companies and investors have begun employing former bureaucrats who served in the administration of Donald Trump.
Former officials move to the private sector
Michael Jensen, the former senior director for the Western Hemisphere at the White House National Security Council, features prominently among these figures.
Just three days after stepping down from his administration post in May, Jensen travelled to Venezuela alongside cryptocurrency billionaire Fred Ehrsam.
As of 1 June, Jensen serves as chief operating officer at Primavera, an energy firm founded by Ehrsam.
Last month, Primavera signed production agreements with the Venezuelan state oil company, PDVSA.
Another former government official, Brittany Caelm, left her role on the White House National Energy Dominance Council in August to join Sable Offshore.
According to reporting by the WP and the Financial Times, the company is conducting negotiations with the Venezuelan government over the operation of oilfields.
Micah Thomas Ketchel, a former adviser at the State Department, also joined the lobbying firm Ballard Partners following his departure from the administration and began working on the Venezuela portfolio.
US law imposes various post-government employment restrictions on former officials.
Company representatives stated that Jensen, Caelm, and Ketchel consulted ethics lawyers and complied with applicable rules.
Richard Painter, a former chief White House ethics counsel, also noted that Jensen’s transition to the private sector did not violate the law, provided that the relevant restrictions were respected.
Trump announces massive deal for oilfields
In January, following the abduction and detention of elected President Nicolas Maduro, US President Donald Trump urged American oil companies to invest in Venezuela to increase heavy crude production and shipments to US refineries.
Prior to this call, companies had demanded security guarantees alongside changes to the country’s legal and commercial regulations.
Maduro and his wife were abducted in a US operation carried out in January and taken to the US. Venezuelan authorities characterised the episode as a military assault, reporting that approximately 100 people were killed.
In the US proceedings against Maduro, two hearings took place in January and March, during which Maduro maintained his innocence.
Amid the rapprochement between Caracas and Washington, American oil and natural gas companies accelerated preparations to expand their operations in Venezuela.
The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) reported on 28 August that companies were close to concluding investment deals worth billions of dollars.
Chevron, the only major American oil company that maintained operations in the country, weighed taking over two additional heavy oilfields, while Halliburton engaged in talks to supply equipment.
During this process, the Trump administration also addressed the issue of direct access to Venezuela’s most prolific oilfields.
According to the WSJ, these discussions encompassed 17 oilfields with estimated proven reserves totalling approximately 90 billion barrels.
On 29 August, Trump announced that an agreement had been reached with Venezuela.
Trump stated that the pact provides for more than 65 billion barrels of the country’s oil reserves to come under US control, declaring: “The US just signed the largest oil deal in world history with Venezuela.”
America
How will Brazil’s presidential runoff work?
The second round will determine which candidate secures a majority of the valid votes.
By Micaela Ovelar, São Paulo
Brazil’s presidential election will be decided in a runoff between Senator Flávio Bolsonaro, of the Liberal Party (PL), and President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, of the Workers’ Party (PT). With all voting machines counted, Bolsonaro finished the October 4 first round with 47.03% of valid votes, ahead of Lula’s 45.16%. Neither secured the majority required for an outright victory, sending the two candidates to a second round on October 25.
Bolsonaro received 56,104,503 votes, while Lula obtained 53,879,538—a difference of 2,224,965 votes, or approximately 1.87 percentage points. Bolsonaro therefore enters the runoff as the first-round leader.
The election also settled legislative contests and most gubernatorial races. In São Paulo, Brazil’s largest electoral state, Governor Tarcísio de Freitas (Republicanos) secured reelection in the first round. Nationwide, 20 gubernatorial contests were decided without a runoff.
The presidential count
The two leading candidates together accounted for 92.19% of valid presidential votes. The remaining candidates shared 7.81%
|
Candidate |
Party |
Votes |
Share of valid votes |
Difference |
|---|---|---|---|---|
|
Flávio Bolsonaro |
Liberal Party (PL) |
56,104,503 |
47.03% |
2,224,965 |
|
Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva |
Workers’ Party (PT) |
53,879,538 |
45.16% |
1.87 % |
Source: Brazilian Superior Electoral Court (SEC).
Augusto Cury, of Avante, placed third with approximately 2.89% of valid votes (3,448,569), followed by Renan Santos, of Missão, with 2.24% (2,675,887), and Ronaldo Caiado, of the Social Democratic Party (PSD), with 2.18% (2,605,148). Romeu Zema, of Novo, received 0.27% (326,488). None advanced to the runoff.
Cury and Santos subsequently said they would not endorse either finalist. Their announcements do not determine how their supporters will vote on October 25: ballots cast for eliminated candidates cannot be automatically assigned to Bolsonaro or Lula.
The completed count also differed from the final polls, which had placed Lula ahead with 45%, against Bolsonaro’s 42%. The election result instead gave Bolsonaro a narrow lead.
The territorial distribution showed Lula ahead in the Northeast, while Bolsonaro prevailed in the three southern states: Paraná, Santa Catarina and Rio Grande do Sul. Across the country, Bolsonaro led in 14 states and the Federal District, while Lula finished ahead in 12 states. These results contribute to a single nationwide presidential count rather than awarding separate electoral mandates for individual state victories.
How the election works
Brazil elects its president and vice president on a joint ticket through a two-round system. A ticket wins in the first round only by obtaining more than half of valid votes. Blank and invalid ballots are excluded from that calculation. If no ticket crosses the threshold, the two highest-placed candidates advance to a runoff.
The October 4 election combined presidential voting with contests for governors, the Chamber of Deputies, the Senate and state or Federal District legislatures. All 513 Chamber seats and 54 of the Senate’s 81 seats were contested. The Senate election renewed two-thirds of the chamber, with voters choosing two different senatorial candidates in each state and the Federal District.
Voting in Brazilian territory ended at 5 p.m., Brasília time, after which electoral authorities published the count. The Superior Electoral Court (TSE in Portuguese) provides results through its official results website and mobile application.
The October 25 runoff will decide the presidency and gubernatorial contests requiring a second round. Legislative elections are determined through the first-round vote and do not proceed to a runoff.
Participation and abstention
Approximately 125.3 million people voted in the presidential election, representing a turnout of 78.92%. Around 33.5 million registered voters did not participate, producing an abstention rate of 21.08%.
The count also recorded approximately 2.3 million blank ballots and 3.67 million invalid ballots. Together, these represented roughly 4.77% of ballots cast, leaving approximately 119.3 million valid presidential votes. Bolsonaro’s 47.03% and Lula’s 45.16% refer to that valid-vote total, not to all ballots cast or the entire registered electorate.
Abstention is distinct from blank or invalid voting. An abstaining voter did not cast a ballot; someone who submitted a blank or invalid ballot participated without recording a valid candidate choice. Neither group should automatically be described as undecided voters.
Those who did not participate on October 4 will have another opportunity to vote in the second round. Of course, the first-round figures do not establish how many will return to the polls or which finalist they will choose.
São Paulo and state results
São Paulo entered the election with approximately 34.1 million registered voters, around 21.5% of Brazil’s electorate. It is the country’s largest electoral state and forms part of the Southeast alongside Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais and Espírito Santo. Its weight in the national electorate makes it particularly important when examining presidential results.
The state’s gubernatorial contest ended in the first round. Tarcísio de Freitas, of Republicanos, won reelection with almost 63% of valid votes (14,491,874), defeating PT candidate Fernando Haddad (8,423,656). This is a gap of approximately 26 percentage points between them.
Across Brazil, 20 gubernatorial races were settled on October 4, the highest first-round total of elections since 1994. That exceeded the 15 contests decided in the first round in 2022 and the previous high of 18 in 2010.
Other first-round winners included Cleitinho Azevedo in Minas Gerais, Sérgio Moro in Paraná and Luciano Zucco in Rio Grande do Sul. PT incumbents Jerônimo Rodrigues, Elmano de Freitas and Rafael Fonteles won reelection in Bahia, Ceará and Piauí, respectively. Six gubernatorial runoffs have been confirmed: Acre, Amazonas, Espírito Santo, Rio Grande do Norte, Tocantins, and the Federal District.
Rio de Janeiro Case
In Rio de Janeiro, Douglas Ruas had 49.27% and Eduardo Paes 42.76%. Anthony Garotinho’s withdrawal of an appeal concerning his rejected candidacy could change which votes enter the calculation, potentially lifting Ruas above the first-round threshold. Rio de Janeiro remains an unresolved case because a pending electoral decision could affect the total number of valid votes. Formal action by electoral authorities was still required, so the contest could not yet be presented as a settled first-round victory. However, the electoral justice system is highly likely to announce a first-round victory for Douglas Ruas, who is also a candidate from Bolsonaro’s political party, the PL.
Brazilian voters abroad
Brazilians registered abroad participated in the presidential contest, with approximately 341,800 casting ballots in 186 cities, according to TSE data. Around 916,500 voters were eligible to vote overseas. Unlike the nationwide result, the overseas count placed Lula ahead. He received 157,387 votes, or 47.57% of valid ballots cast abroad, against approximately 143,900 votes, or 43.49%, for Bolsonaro. Lula led in 64 countries and Bolsonaro in 37.
The distribution varied sharply by country. Bolsonaro obtained 61.10% in the United States and 71.76% in Japan. Lula led in Portugal with 52.45%, Argentina with 64.44%, Canada with 57.75% and Germany with 71.93%. Overseas ballots form part of the national presidential total rather than a separate electoral contest.
Brazil now heads to the October 25 runoff with Bolsonaro ahead in the first-round count, but the presidency is still undecided. The second round will determine which ticket secures a majority of valid votes.
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