America
New US national security strategy: The end of globalization and the return of the Monroe Doctrine
The Donald Trump administration’s new National Security Strategy (NSS), the publication of which had been delayed for a long time, has been released.
The 33-page document shapes the security perspective of the US at both global and national levels.
In writing the foreword for NSS 2025, Trump claims that they have turned the US back from “destruction and disaster” since the first day of his second presidential term. He asserts that after “four years of weakness, extremism, and deadly failures,” his administration has restored the power of the US at home and abroad at “historic speed” and brought “peace and stability” to the world.
Stating that “No country, region, issue, or cause—no matter how worthy—can be the focus of American strategy,” NSS 2025 points out that the purpose of foreign policy is the “protection of fundamental national interests.”
Argued that American strategies formed since the end of the Cold War have been insufficient, the new NSS criticizes relevant strategies for consisting merely of “a list of aspirations or desired end states.”
Suggesting that previous strategies failed to “clearly define what the US wanted,” NSS 2025 believes that instead, expressions consisting of “vague clichés” were used, and often, “what the US should want” was evaluated incorrectly.
NSS 2025 states the following:
“Since the end of the Cold War, American foreign policy elites convinced themselves that permanent American dominance over the entire world was in our country’s best interest. However, the affairs of other countries concern us only insofar as their activities directly threaten our interests.”
Viewing the “nation-building” processes of the US, particularly in the Middle East, critically, NSS 2025 says, “Our elites vastly miscalculated the willingness of the American people to forever bear global burdens that they viewed as having no connection to national interests.”
The strategy document argues that previous foreign policymakers overestimated the ability of the US to simultaneously fund a massive military, diplomatic, intelligence, and foreign aid complex alongside a massive social welfare, regulatory, and administrative state. It asserts that they made “extremely wrong and destructive bets” on globalization and free trade, thereby hollowing out “the middle class and industrial base upon which the American economy and military superiority depend.”
Directing criticisms at international institutions as well as the US bearing the burden of its “allies,” NSS 2025 says the following:
“They allowed allies and partners to offload defense costs onto the American people and sometimes drag us into conflicts and disputes that were central to their interests but insignificant or irrelevant to ours. And they tethered American policy to a network of international institutions, some driven by open anti-Americanism, and most by a transnational approach explicitly aiming to eliminate individual state sovereignty. In short, our elites not only pursued a fundamentally unwanted and impossible goal, but in doing so, they also undermined the means necessary to achieve that goal—namely, the character of our nation, which forms the foundation of our power, wealth, and morality.”
Describing Trump’s policies as a “necessary correction,” the new NSS argues that the US primarily wants “the government to ensure the existence and security of the US as an independent, sovereign republic that secures the God-given natural rights of its citizens and prioritizes their welfare and interests.”
Emphasizing the desire to protect the country from “military attacks and hostile foreign influences such as espionage, predatory trade practices, drug and human trafficking, destructive propaganda and influence operations, cultural destruction, or other threats to our nation,” NSS 2025 counts full control over borders, the immigration system, and transportation networks where people enter the US “legally and illegally” among its fundamental goals.
Placing special emphasis on military capacity, the NSS writes, “To protect the American people, America’s assets abroad, and its allies, we want to possess the world’s most robust, reliable, and modern nuclear deterrence system and next-generation missile defense systems, including a Golden Dome for the American homeland.”
Acknowledging that the US industrial base is also critical for its global-military role, NSS 2025 announces that it will prioritize industrial policies:
“American national power depends on a strong industrial sector capable of meeting production demands in peacetime and wartime. This requires not only direct defense industry production capacity but also defense-related production capacity. Developing American industrial power must become the highest priority of national economic policy.”
Going for a “correction” regarding American “soft power” as well, NSS 2025 declares that while displaying the soft power of the US, they will respect the different religions, cultures, and governance systems of other countries “without feeling regret about the country’s past and present.”
The document states, “‘Soft power’ that serves America’s true national interests can only be effective when we believe in our country’s innate greatness and honesty.”
In this context, listing its expectations from the world, the American administration declares with an overt reference to the Monroe Doctrine that it will not allow a breach in US hegemony in the “Western Hemisphere”:
“We want to ensure the Western Hemisphere is a reasonably stable and well-governed region to prevent and deter mass migration to the United States; we want a Hemisphere where governments cooperate with us against narco-terrorists, cartels, and other international criminal organizations; we want a Hemisphere that is not subject to hostile foreign attacks or the seizure of significant assets and that supports critical supply chains; and we want to maintain our access to key strategic locations. In other words, we will add a ‘Trump Corollary’ to the Monroe Doctrine and enforce it.”
The document openly declares that after “years of neglect,” the US will reinstate and enforce the Monroe Doctrine to restore American superiority in the “Western Hemisphere” and to “protect the homeland and access to key geographical areas in the region.”
NSS 2025 states, “We will prevent adversaries outside the Hemisphere from positioning forces or other threatening capabilities in our hemisphere or from owning or controlling assets of vital strategic importance”:
“Our goals for the Western Hemisphere can be summarized as ‘Enlist and Expand.’ We will enlist our established friends in the hemisphere to control migration, stop the flow of drugs, and strengthen stability and security on land and at sea. While increasing our country’s appeal as the hemisphere’s preferred economic and security partner, we will expand by developing and strengthening new partners.”
In this context, it is stated that the global military presence of the US will also be re-evaluated with the Western Hemisphere in mind.
Stopping and reversing the damage caused by “foreign actors” to the American economy, while also keeping the Indo-Pacific region “free and open,” protecting freedom of navigation on all major sea lanes, and “maintaining secure and reliable supply chains and access to critical materials” are also among the priorities of NSS 2025.
Stating that they want to support allies in “protecting Europe’s freedom and security” while Europe restores “self-confidence” in its own civilization and its “Western identity,” NSS 2025 appears to continue the criticism of “endless wars” that began during the Barack Obama era by saying, “We want to prevent a hostile power from dominating the Middle East, its oil and natural gas resources, and the chokepoints through which they pass, and at the same time prevent the ‘endless wars’ that drag us into a quagmire in that region at great cost.”
Noting that they want to ensure US technology and US standards lead the world forward, particularly in the fields of artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and quantum computing, the new strategy asserts that all these are “fundamental and vital national interests” of the US and states, “While we have other interests, these are the interests we must focus on above all else, and which will be to our detriment if we ignore or neglect them”:
“President Trump’s foreign policy is pragmatic without being ‘pragmatist,’ realistic without being ‘realist,’ principled without being ‘idealist,’ strong without being ‘hawkish,’ and measured without being ‘dovish.’ It is not based on traditional political ideology. It focuses above all on what works for America, in two words: ‘America First.’”
Stopping regional conflicts before they turn into “global wars dragging in entire continents” is seen as a priority of this administration.
Stating, “A world on fire, where wars reach our shores, is bad for American interests,” NSS 2025 claims that Trump uses “unconventional diplomacy,” “America’s military power,” and “economic leverage” to “surgically extinguish” the sparks of violent wars caused by divisions between nuclear-armed countries and “centuries-old hatred.”
Continuing to point to the magnitude of the US military power globally and the reserve currency role of the dollar, the document underscores that, in addition to these, they will revitalize the “culture of competence” and competitiveness by reversing diversity policies known as “DEI.”
Making a “middle class” emphasis as well, the document points specifically to energy and industrialization:
“To support growth and innovation, strengthen and rebuild the middle class, unleashing our massive energy production capacity as a strategic priority;
To re-industrialize our economy to further support the middle class and control our own supply chains and production capacity.”
In this context, the document values the role of tax cuts and deregulation and dreams of making the US “the most suitable place to do business and invest capital.”
In this regard, it is emphasized that the Trump administration’s foreign policy will be guided by the following principles:
- Focused Definition of National Interests
- Peace Through Strength
- Inclination Toward Non-Intervention
- Flexible Realism
- Primacy of Nations
- Sovereignty and Respect
- Balance of Power
- Supporting the American Worker
- Justice
- Competence and Merit
NSS 2025 states in this context that the era of mass migration has ended; fundamental rights and freedoms will be defended; burdens will be both shared and differentiated; rearrangements will be made through peace; and importance will be given to economic security through balanced trade, industrialization, and securing access to critical supply chains.
America
US Treasury yield surge signals end of cheap money era as capital demand rises
The relentless rise in US Treasury yields indicates that a significantly higher return is now required to convince investors to lend their capital.
According to Axios, this trend reflects a new global economic reality. Unlike previous bond sell-offs driven by inflation fears, the current environment stems from a world where governments and corporations are scrambling to secure vast sums of capital to finance expanding fiscal deficits, artificial intelligence infrastructure, and other major capital commitments.
This fierce competition for capital is forcing borrowers to offer higher returns. The positive takeaway, according to Axios, is that inflation expectations appear well-anchored, suggesting these developments will not trigger an emergency response from the Federal Reserve.
However, the trend implies that policy benchmark interest rates will need to remain at elevated levels for years to come to maintain economic equilibrium.
Furthermore, this shift significantly complicates fiscal planning in Washington by raising the financing costs of an already expanding national debt.
For prospective home buyers, it signals that mortgage rates are unlikely to decline in the near term.
Even as Treasury yields have climbed, long-term inflation pricing in the bond market has remained virtually unchanged.
The 10-year break-even inflation rate—a market-based metric reflecting future inflation expectations—rose to 2.28% following the renewed escalation of conflict in the Middle East since late June.
Nevertheless, this figure remains below its early May peak of 2.5% and stays within a range fully aligned with the Federal Reserve’s long-term 2% inflation target.
Despite the relatively stable inflation outlook, Treasury yields have continued their upward trajectory. The 10-year yield crossed 4.7% this morning, reaching its highest level since last January.
The surge in real yields is even more pronounced at the longer end of the curve: the yield on 30-year Treasury Inflation-Protected Securities (TIPS) currently stands at 2.97%.
This marks the highest yield recorded for the security since its reintroduction in 2010.
Taken together, these dynamics demonstrate that investors are not merely pricing in higher inflation; rather, they are demanding higher real compensation to commit funds over the long horizon.
For much of the past two decades, bond market movements were driven primarily by inflationary trends and central bank policy interventions.
At present, however, the interest rate environment is being shaped directly by the dynamics of lendable funds: a limited supply set against a seemingly unlimited demand.
During the 2010s, global markets were characterized by an excess of capital chasing a scarce set of productive investment opportunities, maintaining historical lows for the cost of capital.
Today, the situation has reversed. Corporations are embarking on their largest capital expenditure boom in decades while governments run expansive budget deficits—with both competing for the exact same pool of capital.
As Axios notes:
“Consider Alphabet’s announcement to investors last night: the company raised its capital expenditure plans for this year by an additional $15 billion, with Chief Financial Officer Anat Ashkenazi noting that demand for computing capacity ‘still outpaces this investment.’”
If these elevated interest rates persist, the debt servicing costs of the US government will become far less manageable than currently projected.
Estimates published by the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) in February assumed that 10-year Treasury yields would average 4.1% this year and 4.3% over the subsequent few years.
According to CBO projections, every persistent 0.1 percentage point increase in interest rates over the next decade will add $379 billion to the government’s net interest expenses over that period.
Rough calculations suggest that if the recent yield trend persists, taxpayers will face approximately $1.8 trillion in additional interest costs over the coming decade.
There remains a possibility that this movement in the multi-trillion-dollar global bond market represents a temporary summer fluctuation.
However, the persistent spikes in yield rates suggest that a fundamental structural shift is underway across global capital markets.
America
US House panel unanimously passes bill to shield consumers from AI data center energy costs
Amid growing pushback in the US Congress over the rapid expansion of artificial intelligence infrastructure, a bipartisan bill aimed at capping the impact of data centers on residential electricity bills is gaining momentum in the House of Representatives.
The Ratepayer Protection Act mandates that state utility regulators evaluate standards that would shift the burden of electricity costs from individual consumers onto technology companies.
The proposed legislation cleared the House Energy and Commerce Committee in a unanimous 52-0 vote—a result demonstrating that public and political resistance to data center construction has breached party lines.
Designed to codify commitments made by tech executives to the White House earlier this year, the text requires state regulatory bodies to hold formal proceedings on the issue.
The measure mandates the consideration of a standard under which large data centers would be required to absorb the expenses of new power generation or transmission capacity necessitated by their electricity consumption; however, it stops short of compelling states to ultimately adopt those standards.
In a statement following the vote, Representative Brett Guthrie, the Republican chairman of the House Energy and Commerce Committee, said: “When evaluating the industry as a whole, it has become clear that there is only one body capable of standing alongside the families and communities who pay electricity bills—and that is this committee, along with our colleagues in Congress.”
The legislation has also found traction in the upper chamber. Republican Senator Jon Husted introduced a companion measure in the Senate last week. A spokesperson for Husted noted that the senator was pleased with the House committee’s approval and its bipartisan support, adding that he would continue working to pass the bill through the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee toward final enactment.
Despite its accelerating legislative pace, whether the measure will ultimately become law remains uncertain.
Matt VanHyfte, a spokesperson for the Republicans on the House Energy and Commerce Committee, noted in an emailed statement that he remains confident the bill will continue its advance following its successful committee passage.
Clara Summers, director of the Consumers for a Better Grid campaign at the Citizens Utility Board, observed that while the bill does not impose direct mandatory standards on states, directive language from Congress serves a useful purpose.
“There are states that have not addressed this issue proactively. Therefore, a signal from Congress stating, ‘You must at least place this topic on your agenda within a specified timeframe,’ represents a constructive incentive,” Summers said.
Summers emphasized that the standards submitted for state evaluation under the bill would hold data centers accountable for generation, transmission, distribution, and other associated costs, though the final determination on whether to act rests entirely with state authorities.
While supporting the measure, several Democrats on the Energy and Commerce Committee characterized the legislation as merely an initial step rather than a comprehensive solution.
Democratic Representative Nannette Barragán noted that while the bill recognizes a critical principle, it falls short of what is required. “We must do more to protect families from soaring electricity costs while simultaneously addressing the attendant health and environmental impacts,” Barragán said.
Data centers—the backbone of artificial intelligence development—are encountering intensifying grassroots resistance as technology firms push to construct new server warehouses and expand their computing power.
Local communities are challenging projects over rising electricity rates, high water consumption, and potential environmental pollution. Certain analysts also link this opposition to broader public anxieties regarding AI, including job displacement.
Public enthusiasm for data center developments, which until last year were widely viewed by both Democrats and Republicans as prime economic investments, is visibly eroding.
According to a survey published by Politico, 41% of Americans now oppose the construction of a data center in their local area, compared to 24% who support it. In January, opposition stood at 28%, with support at 36%.
Democratic Representative Kathy Castor, a co-sponsor of the bill, argued that the legislative package before the committee does not go far enough to resolve the underlying crisis.
Pointing to the Republican majority in the House, Castor said: “I believe the majority must take more decisive action right now to lower household electricity bills. Bipartisan bills are a good first step, but they fall short in this period of energy inflation.”
Castor expressed regret that her own proposal, which would require federal regulators to accelerate the grid interconnection process for new power sources, was not brought up for consideration by the committee.
Nevertheless, Castor commended the bill for sending a clear message to developers: “If a company wants to build a data center, it must pay for the power and grid upgrades it requires.”
Camden Weber, a senior climate and energy policy specialist at the Center for Biological Diversity, told The Hill that congressional focus on affordability was welcome, though incomplete. “It is positive that Congress is addressing pricing issues. We are experiencing an affordability crisis; people are struggling to pay their bills, particularly energy bills. However, concerns surrounding data centers extend well beyond this. There are environmental issues, water scarcity, and air pollution. While this bill appears well-intentioned, it does not go far enough,” Weber said.
Weber further criticized the legislation for establishing an optional framework for states rather than a binding mandate.
Conversely, several lawmakers view this structural flexibility as a primary strength of the text.
Democratic Representative Troy Carter emphasized during the committee markup that the federal government should refrain from overreach. “The key point is that Washington is not dictating terms to Louisiana. This bill does not force state regulatory commissions to adopt a specific rate structure. It establishes a federal standard for state public utility commissions to evaluate, leaving the ultimate implementation strategy to their discretion,” Carter said.
Carter added that local regulators are best positioned to assess the specific requirements of their own jurisdictions.
Responding via email regarding the policy impact of the legislation, Republican committee spokesperson Ben Mullany stated that lawmakers are working in tandem with states and utility providers to ensure grid efficiency.
“The Ratepayer Protection Act sends a strong signal from Congress to the states. States need to examine these massive computing loads and work to ensure that residential customers do not bear the financial burden of generating and transmitting the power required for these data centers,” Mullany said.
The proposed legislation has drawn resistance from the technology sector. The Data Center Coalition, an industry group backed by major tech firms, voiced strong opposition to recent modifications that narrowed the scope of the bill exclusively to data centers.
Josh Levi, president and chief executive officer of the Data Center Coalition, stated that while the organization initially supported the original version and intent of the legislation, the latest revisions were counterproductive.
“The amendments introduced by the Energy and Commerce Committee narrow the scope of the bill to target the data center industry exclusively. This leaves consumers unprotected against the costs associated with substantial load additions driven by other expanding sectors across the United States,” Levi said.
America
US enacts new tariffs on 60 trading partners following legal setback
A new wave of US tariffs targeting 60 trading partners came into effect today (July 24).
The new tariffs replace a global duty introduced earlier this year by President Donald Trump, which was set to expire.
The tariffs range between 10% and 12.5%, impacting major economies such as China, India, and the European Union.
“The US has prohibited the importation of goods produced with forced labor for nearly a century and rigorously enforces that prohibition; it is long past time for our trading partners to do the same,” US Trade Representative Jamieson Greer said.
Greer previously added that the targeted economies account for the majority of US trade.
Following a Supreme Court decision in February that struck down a series of tariffs imposed by the President—delivering a blow to the President’s ability to levy high tariffs at will—the Trump administration moved swiftly to rebuild the President’s “tariff wall.”
After that setback, Trump invoked different legal authorities to reimpose a 10% duty on imports. However, that measure lasted only 150 days and expired today.
The new series of tariffs, initially proposed in June, is now coming into force.
These measures were planned following months of investigation and are considered more resilient to legal challenges compared to previous actions.
According to Thursday’s announcement, a lower rate of 10% will apply to economies that prohibit or commit to prohibiting the import of goods produced using forced labor.
These include Canada, the EU, India, and the United Kingdom.
China, Japan, South Korea, and dozens of other nations have been subjected to a higher tariff rate of 12.5%.
However, the EU, Taiwan, Japan, South Korea, and Switzerland will benefit from certain exemptions under trade agreements previously signed with the US.
The new tariffs were immediately condemned by target countries. Japan stated it found the duties “regrettable,” while the Australian trade minister described them as “unfair.”
Goods already subject to sector-specific tariffs, such as steel and aluminum, will not be affected.
A US official told reporters that specific energy products and fertilizers, as well as goods covered under the US-Mexico-Canada free trade agreement, will also be exempt.
Washington is separately investigating 16 economies over “excess industrial capacity,” inquiries that could lead to additional tariffs.
Experts warn that this could ultimately result in differing rates across countries.
Trade lawyer Greta Peisch told AFP that the Trump administration’s move to implement a baseline tariff while maintaining the threat of additional duties preserves its leverage over trading partners.
Peisch added that this also creates an incentive for countries to comply with previously signed trade agreements.
By taking time for investigations, officials want to ensure that the tariffs imposed are robust in the event of court challenges.
Peisch is a former general counsel at the Office of the US Trade Representative and currently serves as a partner at Wiley Rein.
Josh Lipsky of the Atlantic Council told AFP, “This makes it much more likely that tariffs will remain in place throughout Trump’s term,” pointing to a “much more protectionist global economy” ahead.
Lipsky added that the reimposition of tariffs also increases government revenues.
Former US trade official Ryan Majerus said the Trump administration is seeking options that will allow it to aggressively enforce tariffs.
Majerus noted that, in the long run, Section 301 of the Trade Act of 1974, which Greer invoked to apply the latest tariffs, offers “more flexibility than people realize.”
Majerus, now a partner at King & Spalding, added that once the tariffs are in place, officials can modify them based on new developments.
This latest move comes shortly after a 25% tariff on various Brazilian goods took effect after Washington accused the Latin American giant of unfair trade practices.
This week, Trump also ordered new 50% tariffs on many Canadian products, citing Ottawa’s “discriminatory treatment” of American alcoholic beverages, automobiles, and dairy products.
Lipsky noted that the Canadian tariffs, set to take effect in a month, are based on an untested legal provision, demonstrating that Trump possesses other tools he can rapidly deploy.
This situation indicates that US tariff agreements remain “fragile.”
Nevertheless, the EU, which has signed a trade deal, expects Washington to “abide by the commitments set out in the EU-US Joint Statement.”
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