Asia
Yoon’s impeachment delay: Legal rigour or political deadlock?

In South Korea, anticipation continues to build each week regarding the impeachment trial of Yoon Suk Yeol. Key factors contributing to the delay in finalizing the case include the intricate political and legal landscape, the Constitutional Court’s meticulous decision-making process, and profound societal polarization.
Following his declaration of short-lived martial law on December 3, 2024, Yoon was suspended from office by the National Assembly on December 14, 2024. He was subsequently detained at his residence before being imprisoned on January 15, 2025. This incident, widely viewed as a grave threat to South Korea’s democratic institutions, triggered the initiation of impeachment proceedings. However, the process requires a final ruling from the Constitutional Court, which has yet to be delivered.
A primary reason for the delay is the Constitutional Court’s comprehensive review. The court is meticulously assessing the ‘sedition’ accusations against Yoon concerning his martial law declaration and determining whether he violated his constitutional duties. The court has a 180-day window to render its decision, a period utilized for gathering evidence, hearing witness testimony, and conducting detailed analyses of legal arguments. Yoon’s defense contends that the martial law declaration was a legitimate measure to ‘combat anti-state elements’ and was not intended to establish full military rule. Conversely, the opposition and numerous legal experts assert that this action violated the constitution and constitutes sedition. The court is adopting a cautious approach, prioritizing thoroughness over speed in resolving these conflicting claims.
A second factor relates to the court’s current composition. Typically comprising nine judges, the Constitutional Court is currently operating with eight members. A ruling requires the concurrence of at least six judges. This composition potentially complicates consensus-building and could prolong the deliberation process. Furthermore, Yoon’s case is poised to set a significant precedent, being the first instance in South Korean history where a head of state faces both impeachment and sedition charges simultaneously. This unique situation compels the court to proceed with heightened caution.
Societal polarization is also influencing the proceedings. Significant tension exists between Yoon’s supporters and opponents, with both factions attempting to influence the court through public demonstrations. For instance, Yoon’s supporters demand his release, while his opponents advocate for his prompt removal from office. This societal pressure potentially complicates the court’s ability to maintain impartiality and could contribute to delays in the judgment.
Whether Yoon Suk Yeol committed a constitutional offence remains a central question before South Korea’s Constitutional Court. This question lacks a definitive legal and political answer as the court has not yet rendered its final judgment. However, examining the National Assembly’s indictment, which initiated the impeachment, and the available information regarding Yoon’s actions can help clarify the matter.
Yoon’s actions and the allegation of constitutional offence
On December 3, 2024, Yoon Suk Yeol declared martial law, citing the need to combat North Korean-backed ‘anti-state elements’. This declaration was unanimously rescinded by the National Assembly within hours, prompting Yoon to retract his order. According to the South Korean Constitution (Article 77), martial law may only be declared during war, armed conflict, or similar national emergencies threatening national security, and it remains subject to National Assembly oversight. Yoon’s declaration was widely deemed unconstitutional because it lacked concrete evidence of war or an immediate threat justifying such an extreme measure.
Furthermore, the deployment of military troops to the National Assembly building during the brief martial law period, along with attempts to curtail media and political activities, are viewed as violations of fundamental constitutional rights, such as freedom of expression and the legislature’s power. Article 7 of the Constitution underscores that public officials are accountable to the populace and must not abuse their authority. The opposition contends that Yoon’s actions amount to ‘rebellion’ (Article 87) or an attempt to ‘suspend the constitution,’ both considered grave constitutional offences.
Contents of the indictment
- Violation of the Constitution: The indictment claims the martial law declaration lacked legal basis and threatened the constitutional order. It alleges Yoon attempted to establish unilateral rule by circumventing parliamentary authority.
- Sedition Offence: It asserts that Yoon targeted democratic institutions, particularly the National Assembly, using military force, actions fitting the definition of ‘internal rebellion.’ This offence carries severe penalties under the South Korean Penal Code (Article 87).
- Abuse of Authority: Yoon’s failure to provide concrete evidence justifying martial law based on ‘anti-state elements’ is presented as proof of arbitrary use of power.
- Attack on Democratic Processes: Actions taken to obstruct parliamentary functions and suppress media freedom are cited as violations of constitutional rights.
Yoon and his legal team argue the martial law declaration was not a constitutional offence but an ‘extraordinary measure’ necessary for protecting national security. Yoon maintains he did not institute full military rule, but merely issued a warning against ‘internal threats’. Furthermore, the swift rescission of martial law is presented as evidence that he lacked intent to suspend the constitution entirely.
Impeachment precedents in South Korean politics
Impeachment trials for heads of state are infrequent but significant milestones in South Korea’s democratic history. Prior to Yoon Suk Yeol’s 2024 impeachment proceedings, two previous attempts offer relevant context: Roh Moo-hyun (2004) and Park Geun-hye (2016-2017). These cases may serve as precedents for Yoon’s situation regarding both procedural aspects and potential outcomes.
The 2004 impeachment attempt against Roh Moo-hyun, a prominent Democratic leader, provides a key precedent.
Roh Moo-hyun faced impeachment after openly expressing support for his Uri Party (Open Party) ahead of the 2004 general elections, drawing criticism from the opposition for violating presidential impartiality. He was accused of violating election laws and abusing his authority. The National Assembly voted 191 to 2 to impeach him. The case then went before the Constitutional Court. The court acknowledged that Roh’s actions constituted constitutional violations but ruled they were not ‘grave’ enough to justify removal from office. Roh enjoyed significant public support at the time, and street protests exerted pressure in his favor. The Constitutional Court ultimately rejected the impeachment in a 6-3 decision, and Roh was reinstated. This ruling established a precedent, demonstrating the high threshold required for a ‘grave constitutional violation’ warranting impeachment. Consequently, Roh’s case remains the sole instance in South Korea where an impeached head of state was returned to office. Compared to Yoon’s situation, Roh’s case involved less severe charges, lacking accusations related to military force deployment or ‘sedition’.
A more recent comparison involves the 2016-2017 impeachment of Park Geun-hye.
Park was impeached by the National Assembly on December 9, 2016, and subsequently removed from office by a Constitutional Court ruling on March 10, 2017. Park faced accusations of allowing her close confidante, Choi Soon-sil, to illicitly interfere in state affairs, sharing confidential documents, accepting bribes, and abusing presidential authority. The scandal centered on allegations that Choi solicited millions of dollars from major corporations and that Park was complicit in this corruption network. The National Assembly approved the impeachment motion by a vote of 234 to 56. The Constitutional Court reviewed the case and found that Park had ‘systematically and continuously’ violated her constitutional duties. While Park’s defense maintained her relationship with Choi was purely personal and did not influence state affairs, the court determined that substantial evidence and witness testimony indicated otherwise. Millions participated in street protests throughout the proceedings. The Constitutional Court unanimously (8-0) upheld Park’s impeachment. Subsequently, Park faced a criminal investigation and was sentenced in 2018 to 24 years in prison for offences including bribery and abuse of power.
While Roh’s impeachment centered on political violations, the cases against Park and Yoon involve arguably more severe charges. However, Yoon’s declaration of martial law, involving the potential use of military force against democratic institutions, is widely perceived as representing an even graver constitutional crisis than Park’s scandal.
In conclusion, the final resolution of Yoon Suk Yeol’s impeachment case remains pending due to intricate legal questions, the Constitutional Court’s deliberate approach, and complex socio-political dynamics. While the Constitutional Court’s judgment is anticipated in the near future, possibly within days or weeks, a precise timeline cannot be predicted. This ongoing uncertainty contributes significantly to the political instability currently facing South Korea.
Asia
Chinese navy chief and top nuclear scientist expelled from legislature

The chief of staff for the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Navy, Vice Admiral Li Hanjun, and Liu Shipeng, the deputy chief engineer of the state-owned China National Nuclear Corporation, were removed from their positions in the country’s legislative body.
Li is the latest in a series of PLA generals and a handful of defense industry executives implicated in a widespread investigation within the military.
In a statement on Friday, the NPC Standing Committee announced, “The Navy Soldiers’ Congress has decided to remove Li Hanjun from his post as a representative to the 14th National People’s Congress.”
The Gansu People’s Congress also dismissed Liu Shipeng from his role as an NPC deputy.
Additionally, the Standing Committee revealed it had voted to remove Miao Hua, a former top general who previously oversaw the PLA’s ideological work, from the Central Military Commission (CMC), China’s highest military command body led by President Xi Jinping.
The removal of Li and Liu from their NPC memberships suggests they are facing serious disciplinary action.
China typically remains silent about purges within the military, and announcements from the NPC are one of the few indicators of such campaigns.
There is little public information available about Li and Liu, as both have worked in sensitive positions.
Before becoming the navy’s chief of staff, Li, 60, was the deputy director of the CMC’s Training and Administration Department. He was appointed to this role after serving for a year in the CMC’s Office for Reform and Organisational Structure.
In 2014, he was promoted to vice admiral upon his appointment as commander of the naval base in Fujian province, where Miao also spent a significant part of his career. At that time, he was the director of training at the China Naval Command College and was soon promoted to president of the school.
According to official media reports, nuclear scientist Liu was born into a family that “served China’s nuclear dream for three generations.”
As the deputy chief engineer at CNNC, which oversees all aspects of China’s civil and military nuclear programs, Liu also served as the Communist Party secretary and president of CNNC’s “404 base” in Gansu.
Covering an area of over 1,000 square kilometers, the base was established in 1958 and is the country’s first and largest nuclear research center. It played a crucial role in the development of China’s first atomic bomb in 1964 and its first hydrogen bomb three years later.
This secretive base is still considered a key hub for China’s nuclear deterrence and nuclear industry.
According to statements from provincial authorities, Liu was named “Gansu’s outstanding entrepreneur” in 2023.
Asia
China, US reach agreement on export controls

The Chinese Ministry of Commerce announced on Friday afternoon that Beijing and Washington have remained in close contact since the two-day trade talks in London earlier this month, confirming the details of a framework agreement.
“China will review and approve export applications for controlled items in accordance with its laws and regulations, and the US side will, in turn, lift a series of restrictive measures against China,” the ministry stated.
“We hope the US side will cooperate with China in line with the important consensus and conditions established during the conversation between the two presidents on June 5,” the statement continued.
On Thursday, US President Donald Trump said the US had “signed” a trade deal with China the previous day, without providing details.
“We signed the deal with China yesterday, right? We signed the deal with China,” Trump said at a White House event introducing a budget law. “With the China deal, we are starting to open up China,” he added.
He also mentioned that a “very big” deal, likely with India, would be signed soon.
Rare earth elements
Following the event, US Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick told reporters that the US and China had signed an agreement codifying the terms decided upon in previous trade negotiations.
“They will deliver rare earth elements to us,” Lutnick said in a televised interview with Bloomberg, adding that if this commitment is fulfilled, Washington will lift its “countermeasures.”
Rare earth elements, essential for producing high-tech products, including those for the defense industry, were a major point of contention in the trade talks. China holds a near-monopoly on the supply of these minerals due to its massive share of global refining capacity.
Responding to a question on Thursday about rare earth exports, ministry spokesman He Yadong said China had approved a “certain number” of applications and would “continue to strengthen” the review and approval process for eligible applications.
He added that Beijing is willing to “strengthen communication and dialogue” with other countries on export controls and actively promote appropriate trade.
Lutnick also stated that the US plans to reach agreements with 10 major trading partners in the coming weeks. The deadline for countries to negotiate trade terms before higher tariffs are reinstated was July 9, following a 90-day suspension of import tariff hikes announced on April 2.
The two negotiating teams concluded the London talks by announcing they had agreed “in principle” on a “framework” that both sides would take home for their respective leaders to review, as they sought to get their uneasy truce, signed last month in Geneva, back on track.
The negotiations began after a highly anticipated phone call between Xi Jinping and Trump, which seemingly ended an intractable stalemate.
In the weeks following the initial agreement in Switzerland, Washington claimed China was restricting exports of critical minerals, while Beijing reacted to US restrictions on semiconductors and threats to impose visa barriers on Chinese students.
Asia
China hosts SCO defense ministers on warship amid regional tensions

Chinese Defense Minister Dong Jun hosted his Iranian counterpart and other high-level defense officials from Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) member states aboard an advanced Chinese warship, just days after the US bombed Iran’s nuclear facilities.
Iranian Defense Minister Aziz Nasirzadeh was among the defense officials welcomed by Dong on a military vessel in the coastal city of Qingdao, China, as part of a two-day SCO defense ministers’ meeting that concluded on Thursday.
According to Chinese state television CCTV, Nasirzadeh and other defense officials toured the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) Navy’s Type 052D destroyer, the Kaifeng, and later attended a reception on the ship’s deck.
Aboard the ship, Nasirzadeh thanked Beijing for “supporting Iran’s legitimate position following the recent attacks” by Israel and the US.
“We hope that China will continue to stand on the side of justice, help maintain the current ceasefire, and play a greater role in de-escalating regional tensions,” Nasirzadeh said, according to Xinhua.
In his address to the assembled ministers, Dong reportedly stated that “unilateralism, protectionism, and hegemonic and bullying acts are on the rise, seriously disrupting the international order and becoming the greatest source of chaos and conflict.”
Dong called for closer cooperation within the United Nations, the SCO, and other multilateral frameworks, urging members to unite with “more like-minded forces” to defend international justice and maintain global stability.
“SCO countries must remain true to the organization’s founding ideals, uphold the ‘Shanghai Spirit,’ and deepen practical cooperation in all areas,” Dong said. “With stronger actions, we can jointly safeguard a peaceful environment for development,” he added.
The event followed the US attacks on three of Iran’s key nuclear facilities on Saturday, which Beijing strongly condemned.
The Chinese Foreign Ministry stated that the attacks on nuclear facilities under the supervision of the International Atomic Energy Agency seriously violated the UN Charter and its principles.
Additionally, the SCO meeting coincided with a NATO leaders’ summit in The Hague. In a statement from The Hague, US President Donald Trump announced that the US would hold talks with Iran about a possible nuclear deal “in the coming week.”
Bilateral Talks
According to Xinhua, the Chinese defense minister later held separate bilateral meetings with the defense ministers of Belarus, Pakistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia. The state news agency reported that all parties appreciated Beijing’s efforts and significant contributions to developing SCO operational mechanisms and deepening inter-sectoral cooperation during its rotating presidency. They also expressed a strong will to further consolidate and expand military ties.
Pakistani Defense Minister Khawaja Asif praised Beijing’s role in de-escalating tensions. “Pakistan highly values its robust friendship with China and is ready to work together to implement its three global initiatives, deepen military cooperation, and help maintain regional peace and stability,” he said.
For Russian Defense Minister Andrei Belousov, this year—the 80th anniversary of the victory in World War II, the Chinese people’s war of resistance against Japanese aggression, and the world’s anti-fascist war—presents an opportunity to deepen bilateral military relations. “In line with the consensus of our leaders, we will intensify strategic communication and cooperation and contribute to global strategic stability,” he said.
Meanwhile, Indian Defense Minister Rajnath Singh also attended the Qingdao meeting. This marked the first visit by an Indian defense minister to China since the deadly border clash between the two countries in 2020.
Military trust
According to the Chinese Ministry of Defense, the SCO defense ministers’ meeting is one of the key events held during China’s rotating presidency of the SCO this year. The ministers, along with representatives from the SCO and regional anti-terrorism bodies, gathered to further strengthen military trust and deepen practical cooperation among member states.
The SCO, a 10-nation bloc comprising China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Pakistan, India, Iran, and Belarus, currently covers approximately three-fifths of the Eurasian continent and about 43% of the world’s population.
The Beijing meeting, held under the rotating presidency of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, highlighted China’s role as a significant international actor and the importance Tehran places on its relationship with Beijing, even as China has largely remained on the sidelines of the Israel-Iran conflict.
During a regular press conference at the Chinese Ministry of Defense on Thursday, when asked if Beijing was considering providing military support to Iran as an SCO member, ministry spokesman Zhang Xiaogang told CNN, “China is ready to cooperate with all parties to play a constructive role in maintaining peace and stability in the Middle East.”
Kaifeng destroyer
The Kaifeng destroyer, where the meeting’s reception was held, is the sixth vessel of the extended Type 052D variant and serves in the North Sea Fleet. Commissioned in April 2021, the ship is approximately 159 meters (521 feet) long, weighs 7,500 tons, and is equipped with 517C anti-stealth radar. Its expanded deck allows for the landing of the PLA Navy’s Z-20 helicopters.
The warship has conducted numerous long-range exercises, including a passage through the Tsushima Strait in April, as part of Beijing’s growing operational presence in the western Pacific.
It was publicly displayed during the 74th-anniversary celebrations of the Chinese navy in Qingdao in 2023.
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