America
Lt. Col. Palantir and how personal data is being put at the service of the West
Last June, an interesting announcement came from the Pentagon. An Army spokesperson announced that four technology executives would be appointed to the rank of lieutenant colonel and tasked with leading a new Army innovation unit within the Reserve Forces.
Colonel Dave Butler stated that the new unit, named “Detachment 201”(1), was created to bring together technology innovation executives to “help the Army with broader conceptual issues, such as capability management and how to recruit and train tech-focused individuals.”
The companies whose executives were made lieutenant colonels were Palantir, Meta, and OpenAI.
This initial group of executives consists of Palantir Chief Technology Officer Shyam Sankar, Meta Chief Technology Officer Andrew Bosworth, OpenAI Chief Product Officer Kevin Weil, and Bob McGrew, who served as OpenAI’s Vice President of Research until November 2024.
These “generals without an army” align with the Trump administration’s plan to place the Pentagon at the service of Silicon Valley and venture capital (VC). For example, Michael Obadal, appointed by the White House as the Army’s second-highest civilian official, is an employee of Anduril.
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General Randy George and Secretary of the Army Dan Driscoll are also focused on giving technology startups and “non-traditional” defense companies a more significant role within the service.
So much so that Driscoll had gone as far as to call it a “success” if a major prime contractor were to close its doors in the coming years because it couldn’t start operating more efficiently.
The Detachment 201 program also aims to help the service adopt commercial technologies like drones and robots and integrate them into its formations by bringing in part-time consultants from the private sector.
According to a report from Task & Purpose, which covers news from the U.S. military and defense industry, the idea of incorporating private-sector expertise originated in Ukraine. There, soldiers who work as engineers or computer scientists during the day produce makeshift drones or 3D-printed parts for use on the front lines against Russia.
The distinction between civilian and military use, civilian and military production, and civilian and military personnel is being erased by the Silicon Valley-Pentagon collaboration. The elimination of this distinction appears consistent with the concept of “total war,” which became widespread with World War I, and with the “ideology of war.”
Of course, becoming a lieutenant colonel is not easy: Spokesperson Butler emphasizes that the four tech executives will receive up to two weeks of online and in-person training at Fort Moore (formerly Fort Benning) in Georgia on “basic soldiering tasks” such as physical fitness, marksmanship, and Army customs and etiquette, rank structure, and uniform wear.
Still, the executives from companies including Palantir began their service with the rank of lieutenant colonel, a rank that most officers reach and hold in the second decade of their military careers. It is also worth remembering that the rank of lieutenant colonel commands battalion-sized units, typically consisting of 300 to 1,000 soldiers. With the correction, of course, that they are no longer generals without an army, but with one…
In 2018, an article published in Bloomberg was titled, “Palantir Knows Everything About You.”
Palantir, whose market value for a time surpassed that of the “big five” [a term often used for the largest US defense contractors] known as traditional arms companies doing business with the Pentagon, was a child of America’s “war on terror” era. Starting as a data-mining company, Palantir provided services to American soldiers in Iraq and Afghanistan as part of mine-sweeping operations.
Founded in 2003 by Peter Thiel and other members of the “PayPal mafia,” the company takes its name from the seeing stones in The Lord of the Rings series. In-Q-Tel, the CIA’s investment/venture capital arm, was its first investor.
The Bloomberg article describes Palantir’s operations as follows:
“The company’s engineers and their products don’t do any spying themselves; they’re more like a spy’s brain, collecting and analyzing information that’s fed in from the hands, eyes, nose, and ears. The software combs through disparate data sources—financial documents, airline reservations, cellphone records, social media postings—and searches for connections that human analysts might miss. It then presents these connections in colorful, easy-to-understand, web-like charts. U.S. spies and special forces loved it immediately, using Palantir to synthesize and sort the blizzard of battlefield intelligence. The software helped planners reroute convoys to avoid roadside bombs, track insurgents for targeting, and even, in a small way, hunt down Osama bin Laden. Military success led to civilian federal contracts. The U.S. Department of Health and Human Services uses Palantir to detect Medicare fraud. The FBI uses it in criminal probes. The Department of Homeland Security uses it to screen air travelers and track immigrants.”
The “civilian” contracts don’t stop there. For instance, we learn from the same article that Palantir has been providing “services” to JPMorgan since 2009, and the scope of this service was to monitor every moment of the bank’s employees. An “insider threat” detection unit employed by the bank, with Palantir’s help, collected emails and browser histories, GPS locations from company-issued smartphones, printer and download activity, and transcripts of digitally recorded phone calls. I quote again from the Bloomberg article:
“Palantir’s software aggregated, searched, sorted, and analyzed these records, surfacing keywords and behavior patterns that [former Secret Service agent Peter] Cavicchia’s team had flagged for potential abuse of corporate assets. For example, Palantir’s algorithm would alert the insider-threat team if an employee began badging into work later than usual, a potential sign of disgruntlement. That would trigger more detailed inquiry and, possibly, physical surveillance by bank security personnel outside of work hours.”
Ironically, this employee surveillance was reportedly halted when it began to extend to monitoring executives as well. Bloomberg, noting that this issue had not been previously reported, expresses surprise: Palantir, one of Silicon Valley’s most valuable startups, and its celebrated intelligence platform designed for the “global war on terror,” had been turned into a weapon against ordinary citizens in the country! (2)
Yet the same report acknowledges that police and sheriff’s departments in New York, New Orleans, Chicago, and Los Angeles also use this system and that individuals “not suspected of committing a crime” are frequently caught in these digital nets.
We learn from Bloomberg: On Palantir’s software screen, people and objects appear in boxes connected by radial lines to other boxes. These lines indicate the relationship between individuals, with labels such as “Colleague,” “Lives with,” “Operator of [cell phone number],” “Owner of [vehicle],” “Brother of,” and even “Lover of.”
If authorities have a photograph, the rest is easy: As early as 2018, law enforcement agencies with access to databases of driver’s license and ID photos could identify more than half of the adult population in the US.
Thus, we are faced with a perfect state-capital collaboration. The partnership of the military, intelligence, finance capital, and police went hand-in-hand with the effort to subjugate all of society, especially workers, at home, and to conduct occupations (“war on terror”) abroad. (3)
In March, President Donald Trump signed a presidential executive order mandating data sharing among federal government agencies.
With the signing of the order, concerns arose about a single repository for the personal data of American citizens. This concern was not unfounded: the most important company with which the Trump administration had significantly strengthened its relationship in recent months was Palantir.
According to government records cited by The New York Times, the company had received more than $113 million in federal spending since Trump took office (let’s recall that the relevant article is dated May 30, 2025).
Moreover, this amount did not include a $795 million contract previously awarded to the company by the Pentagon.
According to six government officials and Palantir employees familiar with the talks, Palantir representatives were also in discussions with at least two other agencies (the Social Security Administration and the Internal Revenue Service) about purchasing its technology.
This initiative led to the adoption of Palantir’s key product, “Foundry,” by at least four federal agencies, including the Department of Homeland Security and the Department of Health and Human Services.
While Foundry serves as a data analysis platform, a product named “Gotham” is designed for security and defense purposes, helping to organize data and draw conclusions from it.
During what the author refers to as the “DOGE era,” Palantir engineers became involved in the work of the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), using Foundry to begin organizing data collected on American taxpayers.
The work began with the goal of creating a single, searchable database for the IRS but later expanded.
It is also noted that Palantir was in negotiations to sign a permanent contract with the IRS. At the time, a Treasury Department representative stated that the IRS was updating its systems to serve American taxpayers and that Palantir was contracted to complete this work alongside IRS engineers.
Palantir also recently began assisting Immigration and Customs Enforcement’s (ICE) enforcement and removal operations team. This work is part of a $30 million contract ICE signed with Palantir in April to create a platform for tracking immigrant movements in real time.
For some reason, the Times article emphasizes the concern that American citizens’ data might fall into Trump’s hands. However, firstly, it doesn’t highlight any concern about this data being in the hands of a private company. And secondly, the article mentions that during the COVID-19 pandemic, the Biden administration signed a contract with Palantir to manage vaccine distribution through the CDC. This contract does not seem to worry the Times.
But let’s return to the executive order. The White House says that with the order, titled “Preventing Waste, Fraud, and Abuse by Eliminating Information Silos,” it aims to take significant steps to remove “unnecessary barriers” to federal employees’ access to government data, promote “inter-agency data sharing,” and “enhance the government’s ability to detect overpayments and fraud while eliminating bureaucratic duplication and inefficiency.”
It’s as if Silicon Valley is speaking, not the White House. The data of American (and perhaps global?) citizens is becoming the property of Palantir under the guise of “reducing bureaucracy.” Along with personal data, the future is also being sold.
During a call with investors last February, Palantir CEO Alex Karp shouted enthusiastically, “We’re doing it! I’m sure you’re enjoying this as much as I am!”
What was this “success” he referred to? As reported by Mother Jones, it seemed to mean enabling the Trump administration to carry out mass deportations and police surveillance domestically, while also helping “the West” globally.
Karp also said on the call that “sometimes” these actions might require “killing”:
“I’m so happy to be on this journey with you. We are succeeding. We have dedicated our company to the West and the U.S., and we are very proud of the role we play, especially in areas we can’t talk about. Palantir exists to disrupt the order. And when necessary, to intimidate and sometimes kill our enemies.” (4)
The ideology of war has become the master key [Turkish: maymuncuk, literally “lockpick”] for Silicon Valley’s wealthy, especially Palantir’s partners Karp and Thiel. Readers curious about Karp and Thiel’s worldview can look here and here. (5) But another reminder about Karp is necessary: according to the report mentioned above, in his letter to shareholders, the Palantir CEO quoted the famous political scientist Samuel P. Huntington, who wrote that Hispanics could not assimilate into American society. In his letter, Karp stated, “The rise of the West was not due to the ‘superiority of its ideas, values, or religion,’ but to ‘its superiority in applying organized violence.'” (6)
Karp praised what the author calls “DOGE’s saw,” saying they were experiencing a revolution and that “some people’s heads rolled.” And CTO Shyam Sankar, whom we should now call Lieutenant Colonel, said, “I think DOGE will bring meritocracy and transparency to government, and that is exactly the purpose of our commercial business.”
Let’s pause for a moment on the issue of meritocracy. Meritocracy, which unites the New Right, libertarianism, and Silicon Valley, appears as a renewed version of “scientific racist” thought. Supported by genetics and “IQ research,” this vision provides a foundation for both anti-immigrant sentiment in the US and the search for an “ethno-economy” (7) that accompanies the “decline of the West” narrative. “Cultures” (some call them “neuro-castes,” but you can understand it as “races”) proven to be of “scientifically” high intelligence should separate themselves from others; instead of the theater of democracy, a meritocratic government should be established where games or politics no longer matter. One source of Thiel’s much-debated thesis that he “no longer believe[s] that freedom and democracy are compatible” is his belief in this kind of meritocracy.
Hostility to DEI [Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion], disgust for the welfare state, and indifference to aid for women/children/the poor all stem from this. This hatred also fuels violent language: Thiel, inspired by Richard Hanania, who wrote a book on the origins of “woke” thought, wrote, “DEI can never be defeated by words—Hanania shows that we need the sticks and stones of state violence to exorcise the demon of diversity.”
Lionel Shriver, author of We Need to Talk About Kevin, which was adapted into a film, captures the very “anxieties” of the Big Tech-Silicon Valley libertarianism led by Palantir in another novel, Mania. She depicts an America where the high-IQ “brain-arrogant” are seen as “brain supremacists,” and “Mental Parity” campaigns lower everyone’s expectations, stigmatizing achievement and excellence.
We will analyze the story of Palantir creating a “Zionist surveillance state” in the next installment. But before we finish, there’s an anecdote that makes you think, “What’s a company without a little theft?”
According to the legend reported by Bloomberg, Thiel’s co-founder Stephen Cohen programmed the first prototype of Palantir’s software in two weeks, but it took years to snatch customers from I2, the long-time leader in the intelligence analytics market.
In an incident not mentioned in the stories of Palantir’s brilliant rise, I2 accused Palantir of misappropriating its intellectual property through a Florida shell company registered to the family of a Palantir executive.
A company claiming to be a private detective agency had licensed I2’s software and development tools and transferred them to Palantir for more than four years.
I2 discovered that this company was registered to the family of Shyam Sankar, Palantir’s director of business development.
The company sued Palantir in federal court for fraud, conspiracy, and copyright infringement.
I’ll conclude with Palantir’s response, an instructive tale about how the imperialist beast operates that leaves no room for interpretation:
“In its legal response, Palantir argued that it had the right to use I2’s code for a greater good. In its motion to dismiss I2’s lawsuit, Palantir stated, ‘What is at stake here is the ability of critical national security, defense, and intelligence agencies to access their own data and to use that data interoperably on the platforms they choose to most effectively protect citizens.’
The motion was denied. Palantir agreed to pay I2 approximately $10 million to settle the case. I2 was sold to IBM in 2011.”
(1) Andrew Bosworth explained on X that “201” refers to an HTTP status code, where a “201” response indicates that a new resource has been successfully created.
(2) As the Palantir software “Metropolis” used by JPMorgan was established and developed, the Wall Street bank made a capital investment in the data-mining company and included it in its Hall of Innovation, while its executives praised Palantir in the press, Bloomberg also writes: Guy Chiarello, JPMorgan’s chief information officer at the time, told Bloomberg Businessweek in a 2011 interview that Metropolis “turns data dumps into gold mines.”
(3) Thiel told Bloomberg in 2011 that civil liberties advocates should support Palantir because data mining was less oppressive than the “crazy abuses and draconian policies” proposed after 9/11. According to him, the best way to prevent another catastrophic attack without turning into a police state was to “give the state the best possible surveillance tools and build in safeguards against their abuse.”
(4) Elsewhere, Karp said, “We built our company to support the West.” To this end, Palantir states that it does not do business with countries it considers adversaries of the US and its allies, namely China and Russia. In the company’s early days, Palantir employees, quoting J.R.R. Tolkien, described their mission as “saving the Shire.”
(5) After Palantir became a public company, it officially announced its move from Palo Alto to Denver, separating itself from Silicon Valley. Karp used his introductory letter to emphasize this point; he harshly criticized what he called the “engineering elite of Silicon Valley,” stated that Palantir was increasingly diverging from the values of the tech sector, and reaffirmed the company’s commitment to working with the U.S. military and defending the West. “We have chosen our side,” he wrote, in a comment implying that Silicon Valley had chosen the “other side.”
(6) According to a long article published in The New York Times in 2020, Karp insisted that Palantir was more in line with U.S. public opinion than Google and other Silicon Valley giants. “We are strengthening Western institutions and, in some cases, making them dominant,” he said, continuing: “This is our narrative. Now, that’s probably not a popular narrative in Silicon Valley. In the rest of America, it’s a very popular narrative. What is Google’s narrative? ‘We’re destroying the media, we’re dividing the country, we’re taking your jobs, we’re getting rich, and by the way, when the country needs you, we’re not there.’ If the Google standard is established, our ability to produce software platforms, the greatest strategic asset America has, will be taken from our warfighters. And that means our enemies will de facto be in a much stronger position.” The article also contains a nice “coincidence”: in a photo showing Karp with Palantir employees Dave Glazer, Sara Peletz, and Mayer Schein, a large portrait of the French philosopher Michel Foucault is seen on the wall.
(7) I use the term “ethno-economics” inspired by Quinn Slobodian’s book Crack-Up Capitalism: Market Radicals and the Dream of a World Without Democracy.
America
US-Brazil rift widens over proposed sanctions and trade tariffs
Diplomatic tensions between the two countries remain at a peak as the US government considers new sanctions targeting a judge on Brazil’s Supreme Court.
According to sources familiar with the matter who spoke to the Financial Times (FT), the Trump administration is evaluating new measures against Justice Alexandre de Moraes, whom it sanctioned last year on human rights grounds before subsequently rescinding that decision.
Washington’s renewed focus on the magistrate threatens to widen the rift between Brazil and the US across trade and political spheres, casting a shadow over upcoming elections in Latin America’s largest nation.
A little over a year ago, De Moraes was subjected to sanctions under the Global Magnitsky Act. US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent accused him at the time of engaging in a “repressive censorship campaign, arbitrary detentions that violate human rights, and politicized prosecutions,” including measures directed at former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro.
Bolsonaro, an ally of Donald Trump, was sentenced last year to 27 years in prison for plotting a coup.
However, sanctions targeting the judge, his wife, and a company owned by his family were lifted in December following a meeting and phone conversations between Trump and his Brazilian counterpart, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.
According to a source familiar with the matter who requested anonymity, US interest in De Moraes was revived partly due to a case that ignited a debate over press freedom in Brazil.
The judge authorized police raids against a journalist and two sources as part of an investigation into media coverage concerning a Supreme Court justice and his family.
De Moraes defended the action, arguing that the information in question had been illegally obtained and disclosed, thereby endangering the safety of the justice’s family.
The judge gained global prominence several years ago following a public conflict with Elon Musk, which briefly led to the billionaire’s X platform being blocked in Brazil.
Supporters say he “helped protect Brazilian democracy against a wave of misinformation.”
However, critics, including the Trump administration, view him as violating free speech rights.
“He went after the president’s supporters. Not just Elon Musk, but MAGA supporters in Brazil as well. Even if we want to build good relations with Brazil, it is clear that this man is an adversary,” said a person familiar with the US government’s thinking.
Another person stated that the reimposition of Magnitsky sanctions is “under evaluation,” noting that such sanctions entail the freezing of US-based assets and a prohibition on American companies and individuals conducting business with targeted parties.
While it remains unclear whether or when a decision will be reached, any such move would intensify an escalating retaliatory spiral between the two most populous countries in the Americas.
Tensions initially erupted more than a year ago when Trump imposed a 50% tariff on Brazil while demanding that prosecution proceedings against Bolsonaro be dropped.
That tariff was subsequently invalidated by the US Supreme Court.
A brief period of de-escalation since then has drawn to a close, with the US applying a 25% import tariff on numerous Brazilian products in July.
Last month, Brazil denied entry to two Trump envoys over concerns regarding potential interference in its upcoming October elections. Washington rejects those allegations.
Lula, who is seeking re-election for a fourth presidential term, suggested that the US might act to support his main opponent, Senator Flavio Bolsonaro, the jailed former leader’s son.
The 80-year-old president has also engaged in a sharp public exchange of words with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio.
On Sunday, thousands of supporters gathered to welcome Lula at a stadium in Sao Bernardo do Campo, an industrial suburb of Sao Paulo, for the official launch of his election campaign.
Lula originally achieved prominence in the area during the late 1970s as a union leader heading metalworkers’ strikes.
Speaking at the venue, Lula said, “I thank the working men and women of this country who believed that someone like themselves could achieve more than someone different from them. As long as I am alive, I will not stop fighting, and I will not allow the right [to prevail].”
America
AIPAC super PAC pours millions into key Democratic primary races
The United Democracy Project (UDP), the super PAC of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC), has directed nearly $2.5 million into a special election for the California seat formerly held by Representative Eric Swalwell, marking one of the group’s final targeted contests ahead of November.
The UDP spent approximately $2.5 million to campaign against state Senator Aisha Wahab, the favourite in the race, and to promote Bay Area Rapid Transit (BART) Board President Melissa Hernandez. The expenditure attracted significant attention, given that Wahab finished well ahead of Hernandez in the June special primary.
AIPAC links have also emerged as a central issue in two Democratic contests in Florida and New Hampshire, among the final states on the 2026 primary calendar. Intra-party friction over the role of money in politics and questions regarding the extent to which US support for Israel should continue remain heavyweight concerns ahead of the November elections.
“I wish that AIPAC would realise that, for better or worse, it has become a lightning rod, and that is helping less, unfortunately, not just themselves, but the cause they advocate for,” said a national Democratic strategist who has previously worked with the UDP.
An AIPAC spokesperson disputed this assessment, pointing out that more than 250 candidates backed by the group have won their primaries.
“Our community of 7 million Americans is focused on helping pro-Israel Democratic and Republican candidates win in November,” the spokesperson added.
UDP spends millions in California’s 14th District
AIPAC’s super PAC is making a multi-million-dollar expenditure in California’s 14th Congressional District, previously represented by Swalwell, who resigned following sexual assault allegations that he denied.
Wahab and Hernandez are facing off in two separate races this year. The first, taking place on Tuesday, will select a representative to complete the remainder of Swalwell’s term. The second race will be held in November for a full two-year term.
Wahab finished 26 percentage points ahead of Hernandez in the special primary. The margin in the primary for the full term was 21 percentage points in Wahab’s favour.
Despite these margins, the UDP has spent roughly $2.5 million to date to boost Hernandez and campaign against Wahab. A separate group called Bold America, which received funds from the UDP and was established by former members of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, has also spent approximately $1.8 million.
Wahab opposes unconditional aid to Israel. Last year, she introduced a resolution in the California legislature calling for an end to the Israel-Hamas war.
Wahab has also described the war in Gaza as a “genocide”. Hernandez, speaking at a candidate forum this spring, declined to use the same term, though she condemned “the destruction in Gaza”.
Wahab asserted that she has been targeted due to racism and bias.
“Power brokers in Washington also have a need to control every voice on highly critical votes,” Wahab told The Hill. “I have been very clear about my stance on human rights and doing what is best for the American people.”
UDP spokesperson Patrick Dorton, in a statement to The Hill, described Wahab’s assertions as “100% absurd”. Dorton stated that the group supports members of both the Congressional Black Caucus and the Congressional Hispanic Caucus.
Bold America did not respond to a request for comment from The Hill.
Hernandez, in a statement to The Hill, pointed to her campaign’s “thousands of supporters” and said that “no single supporter dictates her agenda”.
“My opponent wants to turn this race into a national issue, whereas the race should actually be about how best to serve the voters in the East Bay and Tri-Valley,” Hernandez said.
The spending in the race attracted particular notice after the UDP spent tens of millions of dollars earlier this month in the Michigan Senate primary to support Representative Haley Stevens, who narrowly lost to progressive candidate Abdul El-Sayed.
“In many cases, as a political operative, my advice was that we shouldn’t get into this specific race, because we would become the issue itself and… we would harm the candidate we were trying to help,” said Garry South, a veteran California strategist who has worked on independent expenditure campaigns in the real estate sector.
“Frankly, I think AIPAC has reached that point,” South added.
FEC complaints surface in California race
The race has intensified in recent days. A supporter of Hernandez filed a complaint against Wahab with the Federal Election Commission (FEC).
According to the complaint, Wahab’s state Senate committee gave money to a county party organisation, which then used a portion of those funds to support Wahab’s congressional campaign. The complaint alleged that external activities supporting Wahab constituted an “illegal and unreported in-kind contribution”.
Wahab told The Hill that her campaign had not received any notice from the FEC. The Alameda County Democratic Central Committee said in a statement that it was aware of the complaint but maintained that its activities complied with “federal election laws”.
“Until the FEC actually takes action, this is nothing more than a political allegation floated by our opponents,” Wahab said.
According to a report by KQED, Wahab’s campaign also plans to file a complaint with the FEC regarding a series of social media posts targeting the candidate, which Wahab characterized as defamatory.
The report stated that the complaint will request an investigation into whether the online activity was conducted in a coordinated manner to influence the election outcome and whether the activity ought to have been officially reported.
AIPAC influence debated in Florida race
The California contest is not the only election on Tuesday where AIPAC’s influence has surfaced as an issue.
Oliver Larkin, an activist and democratic socialist who is an outspoken critic of AIPAC and unconditional US aid to Israel, is running against Representative Jared Moskowitz in Florida’s redrawn 25th Congressional District.
The district, which covers parts of Miami-Dade, Palm Beach, and Broward counties, is viewed as a swing territory that could be won by either party. AIPAC is supporting Moskowitz in the race.
In an interview with The Hill, Larkin pointed to the war in Gaza and AIPAC’s support for “this deeply disastrous foreign policy”. Larkin said the group had also “supported 109 Republican insurrectionists in the 2022 midterms”.
Larkin further noted that the Israel-Hamas war, particularly its disproportionate influence on the 2024 presidential race, sits “at the centre of many struggles within the Democratic Party over the influence of money in politics”.
Halie Soifer, CEO of the Jewish Democratic Council of America, described AIPAC as an “easy target for the far left, especially since the targeting is mutual”.
In an interview with The Hill, Soifer said that some candidates have turned debates over military aid to Israel into “politically convenient talking points”, but added that these do not resonate “everywhere”.
Moskowitz declined an invitation from the Sun Sentinel Editorial Board to participate in a joint interview with Larkin.
“I do not believe it is appropriate to share a platform with a candidate who has repeatedly embraced the support of individuals and organisations that circulate antisemitic rhetoric and hostility toward the Jewish community,” Moskowitz wrote.
Larkin, who has engaged with figures including the controversial leftist Twitch streamer Hasan Piker, acknowledged that such individuals “do not always use the most politically correct language”.
However, Larkin added: “Cherry-picking these statements to equate anti-Zionism with antisemitism does a disservice to the nuanced critique articulated by individuals like Hasan Piker.”
AIPAC backing creates new divide in New Hampshire
Next month’s Senate primary in New Hampshire has also highlighted differing stances within the Democratic Party regarding AIPAC and its allies.
Karishma Manzur, a Democratic scientist, criticized Representative Chris Pappas—the favourite running to replace Democratic Senator Jeanne Shaheen—for taking money from special interest groups, including AIPAC.
Pappas is listed among the supported candidates on AIPAC’s website.
Manzur, who opposes unconditional aid to Israel and has described the war in Gaza as a “genocide”, said: “Any candidate or lawmaker who takes even $1 from corporations or corporate PACs is no longer a public servant; they are merely a contractor for their client.”
Pappas’s campaign maintained that Manzur exaggerated the amount of support the candidate received from AIPAC’s PAC. The campaign also stated that Pappas does not accept donations from corporate PACs and noted that he introduced a bill aimed at limiting election spending by foreign nationals.
America
Wealthy Americans drive surge in New Zealand golden visa demand
More than 700 wealthy foreign nationals have applied for New Zealand residency under the country’s “golden visa” programme over the past 14 months, compared with just 115 applications during the previous three years.
Applicants are required to invest at least NZ$5 million in local funds, companies or charitable organisations within three years.
A further 127 people have applied under a separate programme that requires an investment of NZ$10 million in passive assets such as bonds for five years.
The surge followed a relaxation of rules governing property purchases, investment requirements and the amount of time applicants must spend in the country to qualify.
According to the Financial Times (FT), the increase in applications for the right to live, work and study indefinitely in New Zealand has coincided with a period of geopolitical uncertainty that has made the country’s security and remote location increasingly attractive.
Dozens of countries around the world, from Portugal to the US, offer preferential immigration treatment in exchange for investment or, in some cases, cash payments.
Many have had mixed experiences with such schemes. Ireland, Malta and Australia have scrapped their programmes because of insufficient demand or concerns over abuse.
In New Zealand’s case, Prime Minister Christopher Luxon hopes the visas will attract more foreign investment and help reverse a “brain drain” that threatens the country’s economic growth.
Although tourists often fall in love with New Zealand and dream of moving there, many young New Zealanders leave in search of better economic opportunities.
According to Luxon, New Zealand start-ups have already begun benefiting from the policy.
“While everyone else around the world is tightening restrictions, we’ve opened the doors and our start-ups have benefited enormously from the capital flowing in, as well as from the knowledge and technical expertise these investors have brought,” he said.
Since the programme was comprehensively overhauled in April 2025, applicants from North America, Europe and Asia have committed a combined NZ$4.8 billion, through investments of either NZ$5 million or NZ$10 million each.
That figure is comparable to the NZ$14.8 billion in foreign investment recorded during the first quarter of this year.
Lachlan Nixon, co-founder of venture capital firm Motion Capital, said the programme had become “a badge of honour in Silicon Valley”.
Data show that 277 applications have come from Americans, with Californians showing particularly strong interest in obtaining New Zealand residency.
“A massive influx of capital is coming, but what really matters is the quality of the people now investing in the New Zealand economy,” Nixon said. He added that 40% of a recent NZ$27 million fundraising round for high-growth New Zealand companies came from 30 holders of “golden visas”.
According to Luxon, companies benefiting from the programme include critical minerals firm Zethos, which appointed European steel industry veteran Francesc Rubiralta to its board.
Nixon said other companies backed under the programme include seed oil protein producer Miruku and magnesium mining company Aspiring Materials.
In the mountain town of Queenstown, a preferred destination for many applicants, locals refer to billionaires such as Peter Thiel and Anthony Malkin, whose foundation owns New York’s Empire State Building, as “the secret residents on the hills”.
Most prefer to keep their wealth and presence private. Thiel’s citizenship was inadvertently revealed during a parliamentary debate, while Malkin’s presence became public after fireworks he set off on New Year’s Eve sparked grass fires.
According to Cotality, their arrival has made Queenstown New Zealand’s most expensive property market, with a median home price of NZ$1.8 million, double the national average.
Under the visa programme’s rules, participants may purchase only residential properties worth more than NZ$5 million, a provision designed to prevent their presence from distorting the broader housing market.
“There are a lot of billionaires here. They just wear gumboots,” one property adviser said.
However, doubts remain about the programme’s benefits. Sam Stubbs, chief executive of pension fund Simplicity, said people should make “genuine investments” in the country rather than seek special treatment in exchange for “a small amount of money” invested in a venture capital fund.
“Heaven comes at a price. It’s a price we all pay,” Stubbs said.
Some applicants have also voiced concerns. Courtney Andelman, who runs a venture capital fund in Santa Barbara with her husband Jim, successfully obtained a visa last year and now visits New Zealand regularly.
“There’s something magical in the air and the water. It’s an incredibly healthy place,” Andelman said.
However, she said she wanted to settle in a smaller South Island city such as Nelson, where her investments could have a greater impact, but found very few properties worth more than NZ$5 million.
She also complained that under New Zealand’s tax rules, if her family spends more than 183 days a year in the country, their worldwide income becomes subject to New Zealand taxation.
Andelman said she loved New Zealand but expressed concern and issued an implicit warning.
“How to make every dollar achieve its highest and best use is a question we constantly ask ourselves. If New Zealand doesn’t offer the best value, we’ll go somewhere else. Every one of those dollars is mobile.”
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