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German journalist in Moscow faces banking restrictions amid sanctions climate

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Albrecht Müller, editor of NachDenkSeiten, said he had been in contact with Moscow-based journalist Ulrich Heyden, adding that their discussion focused on the closure of Heyden’s account by his Hamburg-based bank.

Heyden said Hamburg Sparkasse had terminated his account and outlined the process in detail. “In the written explanation sent to me, it was stated that all business relationships with customers residing in Russia were being reviewed and that these relationships were being terminated,” he said.

Heyden added that a bank official provided further clarification during a phone call. “The employee told me this was linked to sanctions on Russia and said the account could be maintained if I resided in Germany,” he said.

He noted that establishing a second residence in Germany was not legally feasible. “Since I spend most of the year in Russia, registering a second residence in Germany is not legal. I explained this to them,” he said.

Transfers to Russia had already been restricted

Heyden said the bank had previously imposed various limitations. “About a year and a half ago, my ability to transfer money to Russia was removed. The account still existed, but its functionality was severely limited,” he said.

He added that the bank had described itself as a “regional bank,” using this as justification for restrictions on international transactions. “This reasoning was also included in the written explanation,” he said.

Müller asked whether journalists working in other countries had encountered similar situations. Heyden said he was not aware of comparable cases among German journalists working in Moscow for major media outlets. “There are about ten German journalists in Moscow, and I have no information that they have faced such restrictions,” he said.

“There is a political dimension”

Heyden said he had sent a letter dated March 13 to Frank-Walter Steinmeier. “In the letter, I relayed the bank’s justification and noted that I found it quite unusual,” he said.

He added that he believed the decision might have a political context. “I did not describe it as a direct political attack, but I stated that there appears to be a political background,” he said.

Heyden also pointed to similar cases involving journalists Thomas Röper and Alina Lipp, who he said had been subject to sanctions. “These two individuals face more severe measures. They are directly under European Union sanctions,” he said.

He highlighted a common thread among the three journalists. “All three advocate for a more balanced or positive relationship with Russia, and that is notable,” he said.

A narrow framework in coverage of Russia

Reflecting on his career, Heyden said he had long observed a predominantly negative portrayal of Russia in Germany. “Since the 1990s, there has consistently been a negative perspective toward Russia,” he said.

He also referred to editorial expectations. “I was often asked to focus on negative topics such as crime, plane crashes, AIDS cases and social problems,” he said.

Alternative subjects, he added, received less attention. “Topics such as the diverse peoples of Russia, witnesses who survived the war, or historical experiences were not sufficiently covered,” he said.

According to Heyden, this approach narrowed the scope of reporting. “It was as if editorial offices had predefined expectations about what kind of content on Russia was required,” he said.

Relations sharply deteriorated after 2022

Heyden assessed the weakening of civil ties between Germany and Russia in the context of the Ukraine war. “After Russia’s military intervention in Ukraine in 2022, 95% of city partnerships were suspended,” he said.

He said the emotional climate during that period had been intense. “At that time, it was almost impossible to discuss events in a broader context,” he said.

Public institutions played a decisive role in this process, he added. “The termination of city partnerships largely occurred through official decisions,” he said.

He noted that some individual initiatives had continued. “Some people are trying to maintain these relations without official support,” he said.

War graves work has also slowed

Heyden said cooperation on war graves between Germany and Russia had also been affected. “After 2022, Russia significantly reduced permits for the exhumation of German soldiers’ remains,” he said.

He added that such activities had not stopped entirely but had slowed considerably. “These efforts have not completely ceased, but they have clearly lost momentum,” he said.

According to Heyden, the issue receives little attention in Germany. “The media almost never covers this topic,” he said.

He also referred to German soldiers who died in Russia during World War II. “It is estimated that around 3.5 million German soldiers lost their lives in Russia,” he said.

“I will pursue legal action”

Heyden said he would initiate legal proceedings against the bank’s decision. “Through a lawyer, I will challenge this decision and seek its reversal,” he said.

He noted that Sparkasse occupies an important position for freelancers. “Sparkasse has a certain monopolistic position, and I have been a customer of this bank for more than 30 years,” he said.

He emphasized that his relationship with the bank had been trouble-free. “Our relationship with the bank has always been evaluated positively. For this reason, the justification for the decision is unclear,” he said.

Heyden added that public attention could influence the process. “Bringing this issue into the public sphere could create a certain level of pressure,” he said.

He also relayed a remark by a bank employee. “The employee said there was pressure from the Federal Financial Supervisory Authority,” he said, referring to BaFin.

“People should establish direct contact”

At the end of the interview, Heyden offered suggestions on how relations between German and Russian societies could be improved. “Establishing direct communication with Russians living in Germany could be an important step,” he said.

He added that travel to Russia remains possible. “Travel is not difficult, but it requires individual organization,” he said.

Heyden outlined travel routes. “The most common method is via Istanbul. It is also possible to travel via Serbia,” he said.

He also commented on attitudes toward foreigners in Russia. “There is a very positive approach toward Western visitors, and young people in particular are open to communication,” he said.

As an alternative, he pointed to other ways of accessing information. “Those who cannot travel should seek information about Russia from different sources and read diverse perspectives,” he said.

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Digital ministers from D9+ group urge EU to establish common age limit for social media

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Digital ministers from the D9+ group, which represents some of the European Union’s most digitally advanced member states, are pushing for a unified approach to address growing concerns over children’s safety on social media.

In a joint declaration, 14 EU tech ministers led by Luxembourg called on the European Commission to adopt “a truly European approach to protecting children online” by coordinating the enforcement of EU rules governing child safety.

They also urged the bloc to develop “a common approach to the digital age of majority across the EU,” referring to a potential union-wide age limit for accessing social media platforms.

Last month, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen indicated that the bloc could consider introducing legislation to this effect as early as this summer.

However, the declaration also highlights a dissenting voice. Estonia, which has emerged as a prominent critic of EU social media restrictions, raised objections to horizontal age restrictions at the EU level and stated that it does not support provisions aimed at enforcing age limits on digital platforms.

Estonia also opposed what it described as “disproportionate” age verification measures that would require all users to verify their age and identity.

In contrast, the remaining members of the D9+ group supported “privacy-preserving EU-wide age verification” in the declaration.

This position appears to reference the EU’s own age-verification technology intended for national implementation, which the Commission asserts is secure from a privacy perspective.

The member states also demanded that online platforms adapt their interfaces based on the age and vulnerability of their users.

This refers to ensuring platforms are safe by design and age-appropriate by default.

Furthermore, the ministers requested that the Digital Fairness Act (DFA)—a set of rules aimed at strengthening online consumer protection by tackling dark patterns and addictive designs, which the Commission plans to propose by the end of the year—be a “targeted” instrument within the context of the bloc’s broader regulatory simplification efforts.

The declaration also addresses other digital policy areas, with a particular emphasis on the EU’s technology sovereignty following the Commission’s adoption of a major microchip and cloud proposal last week.

The 14 digital ministers demanded that technology sovereignty be pursued “openly,” calling for measures to ensure that digital sovereignty does not become “solely an EU-specific vision.”

This phrasing implies that the D9+ countries would reject EU digital infrastructure support measures that could be accused of being protectionist by excluding foreign providers.

The Commission’s draft Cloud and AI Development Act allows foreign cloud providers the flexibility to obtain certification as EU partners at nearly the highest sovereignty levels.

The D9+ group includes the following countries: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Ireland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Poland, and Sweden.

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Germany and France scrap joint fighter jet project amid industrial deadlock

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Germany and France have abandoned their plans to jointly develop a next-generation fighter jet, following deep-seated industrial disputes that have derailed one of Europe’s most ambitious defense initiatives.

The collapse of the program represents a significant setback for French President Emmanuel Macron’s long-standing vision of strengthening European defense integration and strategic autonomy.

A German government official, speaking to POLITICO on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter, stated: “President [Emmanuel] Macron and Federal Chancellor [Friedrich Merz] have reached a joint conclusion that the companies involved are unable to come together to produce a joint fighter aircraft. They accept this reality.” The official added: “For this reason, Chancellor Merz has advised President Macron not to pursue further work on the development of a joint combat aircraft.”

The project, known as the Future Combat Air System (FCAS), was launched in 2017 but had repeatedly stalled due to fierce disagreements between France’s Dassault Aviation and Germany’s Airbus Defence and Space over which entity would take the lead. Spain is also a partner in the FCAS program, which was intended to replace the German Eurofighter and the French Rafale fleets by approximately 2040.

Beyond the core fighter jet, the program encompasses a “system of systems,” including drones and a “combat cloud”—a digital backbone designed to integrate sensors, satellites, unmanned platforms, and manned aircraft into a single operational network.

Late Monday, the Elysee Palace issued a statement confirming that Airbus Defence and Space and Dassault Aviation had failed to reach an agreement. The French presidency implied that the decision to terminate the project was a unilateral German move, telling reporters: “German authorities concluded that it was no longer possible to exert further pressure on the companies in question. France maintains the view that Franco-German cooperation in defense and security remains vital for both our countries and our European partners.”

Despite the failure of the fighter jet component, the German official did not rule out continued cooperation between Paris and Berlin on drones and the combat cloud system. “The core of FCAS will continue as a European ‘system of systems.’ This is, in a sense, the nervous system that connects aircraft, drones, and other components into an integrated whole,” the official said.

The official further noted that the French and German defense ministries would be tasked with developing a work plan for industrial defense cooperation “focused on several realistic and relevant projects.”

The FCAS is not the only multilateral defense program facing significant hurdles. Joint Franco-German plans to develop maritime patrol aircraft, a next-generation tank (Main Ground Combat System), and new artillery systems have all faltered in recent years. Simultaneously, the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP)—a rival fighter jet project led by the United Kingdom, Italy, and Japan—has also experienced internal friction.

France has effectively withdrawn from the multi-billion-euro, four-nation Eurodrone program. The future of that initiative remains uncertain as the remaining partners—Germany, Italy, and Spain—evaluate how to proceed.

The termination of the FCAS fighter jet component was not a sudden rupture but the culmination of a protracted and attritional struggle between Europe’s two most influential defense firms, Airbus and Dassault Aviation. As previously reported by POLITICO, German and French officials had been privately acknowledging for months that the fighter jet element of the project was effectively “dead.”

The deadlock intensified last summer when Dassault, the manufacturer of the Rafale, pushed to secure the undisputed lead in the construction of the FCAS fighter. Under that proposal, Airbus would have been relegated to the role of a subcontractor with limited oversight of the design, while Dassault would have retained the power to select suppliers, determine workshare, and act as the sole point of contact for customers.

Airbus rejected this approach as a fundamental violation of the original partnership agreement. The company argued it would transform a European cooperative program into a French-led project subsidized by German and Spanish funding and industrial expertise. By September, reports emerged that Berlin had begun exploring alternative options, including potential cooperation with Sweden or joining the rival GCAP program.

Beyond industrial control, Paris and Berlin remained divided over the technical specifications of the aircraft. France required a lighter jet capable of carrier-based operations, while Germany sought a heavier airframe optimized for air superiority missions. Berlin eventually proposed building two separate versions of the aircraft, a solution Paris rejected.

In March, Merz and Macron agreed to give the project a final opportunity to succeed, but subsequent negotiations failed to bridge the deep divisions. On Monday, the German Chancellery officially notified Airbus of the decision to cancel the project. According to La Tribune, Merz is expected to formally announce the decision on Wednesday during the opening of the ILA Berlin Air Show.

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UK underwater deterrent facing scrutiny as all active Astute-class submarines remain in port

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All five of the Royal Navy’s active Astute-class nuclear-powered attack submarines are reportedly held in port for repairs or maintenance, leaving the UK with no operational vessels of this class ready for deployment.

According to a report by The Telegraph, which cited naval sources, although a sixth submarine of the same class has officially joined the fleet, it is not yet ready for deployment.

The current situation means that the UK temporarily lacks any nuclear-powered attack submarines cleared for active operations. Ryan Ramsey, a former nuclear submarine commander, described the development as a serious warning signal. “We look vulnerable,” Ramsey said. “The Russians know we can’t get our submarines to sea. When you cannot provide a deterrent at sea, you lose credibility in the eyes of the Russians.”

Lord Alan West, the former First Sea Lord and former security minister, also described the state of the submarine fleet as unacceptable and deeply concerning.

The UK Ministry of Defence stated in response to the reports that it does not normally comment on the operational status of the submarine fleet. Emphasizing that British waters remain protected at all times through a range of measures, the ministry added that strengthening underwater capability continues to be a top priority.

Astute-class nuclear submarines are tasked with protecting the UK’s Vanguard-class strategic ballistic missile submarines, which carry the country’s nuclear deterrent, as well as the aircraft carriers HMS Queen Elizabeth and HMS Prince of Wales during their deployments.

Separately, the UK’s Vice Chief of the Defence Staff, General Gwyn Jenkins, admitted in an interview with the Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet in April that the Royal Navy was not sufficiently prepared for a potential war.

While noting that the navy possesses the resources to conduct combat operations and that personnel stand ready to carry out orders, Jenkins added: “But are we as ready as we should be? I think not.” He indicated that efforts to improve readiness levels remain ongoing.

Previously, The Sun newspaper reported that only two of the UK’s six Type 45 destroyers were operational. One of these active vessels, HMS Dragon, was deployed to the Mediterranean to protect British military bases in Cyprus.

The Telegraph also reported that due to a shortage of available ships, the government in London was forced to utilize a German vessel.

The state of the Royal Navy has been described in the British parliament as a “national embarrassment,” while US President Donald Trump has criticized the fleet, referring to it as a “toy navy,” according to reports by The Guardian.

Meanwhile, Russian President Vladimir Putin has repeatedly stated that Russia has no intention of fighting a war with Europe, dismissing such claims as nonsense. Putin has maintained that Western governments are escalating the situation to portray Russia as an adversary.

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