Europe
France pushes for Russian nuclear partnership in Germany despite security concerns
A Russian state-owned company is set to become involved in nuclear fuel production within the heart of the European Union as part of a controversial French proposal currently awaiting approval from German officials.
The French-Russian joint venture, slated to manufacture nuclear fuel rods and assemblies in Lingen in northwestern Germany, is being pitched as a key component of EU energy security at a time when nuclear power is viewed as indispensable for transitioning away from fossil fuels.
However, this initiative coincides with the EU’s broader push to ban all energy imports from Russia. The proposal has sparked concern within regional and federal governments regarding the risks of espionage and other security threats.
German officials are expected to decide whether to approve the plans within the next few weeks.
The facility would be operated by Framatome, a subsidiary of the French state energy company EDF, utilizing Russian components supplied by TVEL, a division of the Kremlin-controlled nuclear giant Rosatom.
TVEL will not be directly involved in the facility’s operations but will supply the Russian-made components essential for the production of the nuclear fuel.
The Russian-designed fuel is currently utilized in 19 Soviet-era nuclear reactors across five EU nations in Eastern and Northern Europe, as well as in 15 reactors in Ukraine.
Framatome is lobbying intensely for German officials to approve the project, mobilizing the full weight of the French government—right up to President Emmanuel Macron—and arguing that what is good business for the company is also good for Europe.
Nevertheless, saying yes is politically difficult for Germany. Officials in Berlin are concerned about security risks and Russian espionage, with some warning against allowing a Russian firm to establish a foothold in the country.
German regional authorities must also approve the plan, and they are not particularly enthusiastic. Lower Saxony Environment Minister Christian Meyer is notably skeptical; his department holds the final authority for the Lingen project.
“Germany once allowed Gazprom access to critical energy infrastructure at the Rehden gas storage facility and became vulnerable to blackmail when Putin turned off the gas tap during the crisis,” Meyer told POLITICO.
Meyer warned that they risk repeating a similar mistake if they grant Rosatom access to sensitive nuclear technology for fuel element production in Lingen.
The project is currently under review by Germany’s environment ministry and national security agencies. POLITICO has examined how Framatome is quietly applying pressure behind the scenes to secure a decision from Berlin, even as the German government seeks to reach a legally watertight conclusion.
The collaboration between Framatome and Rosatom is not new. In 2021, the two companies signed a long-term partnership agreement for nuclear fuel production. They also established a joint venture in France, in which Framatome holds a 75% stake and Rosatom’s subsidiary TVEL holds 25%.
In March 2022, just weeks after the war began, Advanced Nuclear Fuels—a wholly-owned subsidiary of Framatome—applied to the Lower Saxony environment ministry for an atomic regulatory license to manufacture Russian-designed nuclear fuel assemblies in Lingen.
The company has spent more than three years working toward the goal of producing hexagonal fuel in Lingen using Rosatom’s technology and components. The company argues that this move will ultimately reduce dependency on Russia.
The French nuclear company’s project will ultimately lead to a “100% sovereign, genuine European solution.” Lionel Gaiffe, senior executive vice president at Framatome, told POLITICO, “Only Framatome can do this.”
“I am not saying it is perfect,” the executive added, but he argued that the project would enable Europe to reduce its reliance on Russian nuclear fuel “very quickly.”
The French firm’s project consists of two phases. Through the joint venture, it aims to reproduce the Russian design at its factories in Lingen and Romans-sur-Isère, France, using Russian-made components.
The Lingen factory will produce fuel for four VVER 1000 reactors located in Bulgaria and Czechia, while the French factory will supply fuel for 15 VVER 440 reactors in Finland, Czechia, Slovakia, and Hungary.
In parallel, Framatome is working to develop its own in-house design and guarantees that the teams working on these two projects are “completely separate.”
Framatome insists that no Russian engineers have set foot in the Lingen facility and that contacts with representatives of the Russian firm have been limited since the start of the war in Ukraine.
“We can have discussions between Russia and France, make contact, and sometimes meet and argue. Everything we do is, by definition, done in conjunction with the relevant administrations and supervisory authorities. There is no doubt about that,” said Gaiffe.
On the other hand, an expert report commissioned by the German federal government in 2023 cast doubt on this explanation. The report warned that cooperation with Rosatom at the Lingen facility could pose serious threats to national and external security.
These threats include direct interference in the facility’s operations, influence over security-related decisions, intelligence gathering on internal processes, and risks of industrial espionage.
Referencing the report written by German academic Gerhard Roller, the Lower Saxony ministry requested classified assessments from federal ministries and agencies in 2024 during Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s tenure, but the government collapsed before a decision could be reached.
The Lower Saxony government is awaiting updated assessments from federal agencies before deciding how to proceed in coordination with the federal environment ministry.
It remains unclear whether the federal government shares Lower Saxony Environment Minister Meyer’s critical view. According to individuals familiar with the process, there is sympathy for the project in Berlin.
Paris supports the project but is careful to remain cautious. “This is a highly sensitive subject. It is not something we want to advertise,” said a French official who requested anonymity.
Two individuals familiar with the discussions indicated that Merz and his French counterpart Macron discussed the Lingen issue once this year.
A French nuclear executive at EDF said the project could be summarized by a single question: “Should Russian fuel be replaced by French or American fuel?”
“This is a matter of a trade and economic war against the US,” the EDF executive added.
This perception is not limited to Paris. On the other side of the Atlantic, Washington’s strategic calculations are equally clear.
“The US is definitely not pleased about Russia entering Germany’s fuel element production market via Rosatom. This could backfire on Germany in the long term,” said Meyer.
Meanwhile, Framatome is lobbying German officials to influence the decision. According to Bundestag lobbying records, the company has commissioned the consultancy firm Berlin Global Advisors to lobby for the approval of the Lingen application in 2024.
Europe
CDU unrest raises doubts over Merz’s future as chancellor
Germany’s Chancellor Friedrich Merz is facing mounting unrest within his Christian Democratic Union (CDU), with party figures reportedly beginning to push for a change in leadership.
According to Der Spiegel, frustration is growing among influential party members who believe Merz has repeatedly failed to capitalize on political opportunities.
One senior party figure quoted by the magazine said: “The ball is sitting on the penalty spot, the opposing goalkeeper is nowhere in sight, yet Merz somehow manages to score an own goal.”
Der Spiegel added: “It appears there is little hope left within the CDU that Merz can climb out of the hole he has dug for himself.”
After speaking with the chancellor’s allies and figures from the CDU leadership circle, the magazine said the interviews painted the picture of a party that has lost confidence in Merz.
“This is unprecedented in post-war German history. When CDU Chancellor Ludwig Erhard was removed by his own party in 1966, the process unfolded slowly and gradually over several months. In Merz’s case, however, it has been possible to watch his authority collapse within just a few days. And the person dragging him down is not his party colleagues, but himself.”
The CDU has already been on edge after trailing the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in opinion polls for months. The situation has now been compounded by what Der Spiegel described as the “Merz fiasco”.
According to the magazine, even within the CDU’s highest leadership circles, almost no one would now bet that the chancellor will remain in office until Christmas.
According to Politico, public criticism of Merz has come primarily from figures who were removed from government during the cabinet reshuffle.
The leadership issue, however, has not yet been raised openly because of the summer recess.
Elections are due in three eastern German states: Saxony-Anhalt, Berlin and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. Polling points to a disastrous outcome for the CDU.
One prominent Christian Democrat wrote: “Things I once thought unimaginable are happening. Merz is in a tunnel; he can no longer reach the party. Everything is over.”
The same CDU figure believes Merz will either have to throw in the towel or be forced to resign by 21 September at the latest.
That date refers to the Monday following the twin elections in Berlin and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania.
The collapse in confidence surrounding Merz has followed this chronology. On Saturday, 18 July, parliamentary group leader Jens Spahn resigned.
Just three days earlier, Spahn had announced through the Bild newspaper that he and his husband had welcomed a son born through a surrogate mother in the US.
For Merz, this presented a completely unexpected opportunity. He had never trusted Spahn but had hoped he could keep him under control after becoming chancellor.
In recent months, however, the parliamentary group leader had become one of the coalition’s central figures by taking advantage of what the article describes as Merz’s weak leadership.
Nothing moved without him. Spahn had effectively become the CDU’s second most powerful figure.
The chancellor was unhappy with that situation, but Spahn’s resignation suddenly removed the problem on its own. Merz had already been planning a cabinet reshuffle for the autumn.
The chancellor is also reported to have been dissatisfied with several cabinet members and, according to the article, to have displayed a certain “arrogance” in meetings with subordinates.
For example, during an executive board meeting in Rhineland-Palatinate, a letter became public stating that the CDU parliamentary group in the state legislature had cancelled its meeting with Merz because “the minimum level of mutual trust and respect” no longer existed. According to the article, such an insult had never occurred before.
Participants at last week’s Presidium and Executive Committee meetings all noticed the tense atmosphere.
Some believe the CDU leader has “buried himself deep inside his own tunnel” and “is no longer even aware of how serious his situation has become”.
According to later accounts from the group, Rhineland-Palatinate Minister-President Gordon Schnieder even accused the chancellor of lacking professionalism.
What happens next? According to Der Spiegel, the party leadership is avoiding that question. No scenarios are being discussed, even in small groups.
“They do not want to invite disaster. Especially now, when everyone is looking forward to the summer break. Right now, nobody needs a change of chancellor. But nobody believes Merz still has a future as head of government.”
After the elections in eastern Germany, some argue that Merz should be forced to resign.
According to the report, if three experienced state premiers were to advise the chancellor to step down for the good of both the country and the party, Merz would almost certainly comply, or at least that is what his team believes. Even so, they are not entirely certain.
Following such a resignation, North Rhine-Westphalia Minister-President Hendrik Wust is expected to step in. He is the only figure mentioned as a potential successor to Merz.
CSU leader Markus Soeder is reportedly considered unacceptable to the CDU, while the idea that CSU Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt could become chancellor is described as absurd. As a result, the task would fall to Wust.
Europe
Germany lays groundwork for civilian alternative as conscription looms
In Germany, the Ministry for Family Affairs has already begun working on the revitalization of alternative civilian service, which serves as a constitutionally mandated prerequisite for the reintroduction of compulsory military service.
The federal government is taking measures to implement a new civilian service system in the event that mandatory military service is restored.
The Federal Ministry for Family Affairs confirmed that over recent months it surveyed 23 major associations and organizations regarding the types of opportunities they could offer to conscientious objectors should compulsory military service be reinstated.
A ministry spokesperson stated: “22 out of the 23 associations indicated that, in the event that the military obligation is reactivated, their infrastructure and placements are in principle ready, and they could offer a wide variety of opportunities to those performing civilian service in lieu of military service.”
Thorsten Frei, parliamentary secretary of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU) faction in the Bundestag, considers taking precautions against the potential entry into force of a new civilian service to be “very sensible and correct.”
Speaking to the channels RTL and ntv, the CDU politician noted that there is currently no new development in the discussions regarding a return to military service.
However, Frei emphasized: “We can never rule out that decisions may need to be taken quickly to prepare for all contingencies. In that case, the resulting consequences must also be clear.”
Criticism regarding the potential reintroduction of compulsory civilian service has emerged from the opposition.
Ines Schwerdtner, co-leader of The Left party, stressed that “the state should not dictate to young people how they ought to spend a year of their lives.” This principle, she asserted, applies as much to compulsory civilian service as it does to compulsory military service.
According to Schwerdtner, young people should not be used “to fill the gaps in a welfare state that the federal government has spent years ruining through austerity policies.”
In statements to the Funke Media Group, the party chair emphasized that there is no need for “state-mandated cheap labor” in care services, emergency rescue services, or social institutions.
Martin Hagen, Secretary General of the Free Democratic Party (FDP), views the preparations by the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs as an admission of failure by the CDU-SPD coalition government.
Pointing out that plans for a new civilian service are already being drawn up, Hagen stated that this demonstrates the coalition government has “zero confidence in its efforts to reach the target personnel numbers for the Bundeswehr through voluntary enlistment.”
Hagen criticized the CDU/CSU and SPD for failing to “make the Bundeswehr an attractive employer and to inspire young people toward military service.”
The Social Association of Germany (SoVD) also expressed concern, presenting arguments similar to those of Left Party leader Schwerdtner.
Michaela Engelmeier, Chairwoman of the SoVD Executive Board, stated that compulsory civilian service would represent a major intervention by the state in the freedom and life plans of young people.
She likewise warned that a new civilian service could be abused to obtain cheap labor and to substitute for regular employment. Instead of focusing on a new civilian service, she argued that the federal government ought to strengthen voluntary work.
According to junge Welt (jW), the German media is applauding this step, with some outlets now demanding further forms of compulsory service not merely for youth, but for everyone.
As the newspaper Neue Ruhr Zeitung (NRZ) acknowledged, the government’s plans imply that “the implementation of general conscription is drawing near.”
It is argued that these compulsory services are necessary “due to the threat originating from Russia and NATO’s shifting objectives.”
The newspaper Die Rheinpfalz expressed regret that the “voluntary community service year” is “unfortunately being overlooked” in the current debate, while echoing the German government’s rationale:
“Ever since the hope for everlasting peace in Europe was shattered by Russia’s brutal attack on Ukraine, Germany once again requires more soldiers.”
Arguing that this idea is “more logical today than ever,” the newspaper continued:
“Everyone devotes a few months to society between school, vocational training, and university. Naturally, it remains up to each individual to decide whether that time is spent in the military, or in a hospital, a care home, or a fire station.”
Even within Redaktionsnetzwerk Deutschland (RND), the prevailing view is that rather than merely debating a new civilian service program for conscientious objectors, a “fundamental and comprehensive debate regarding a period of social service or a general mandatory service year” should be initiated.
The deputy head of RND’s Berlin bureau states that compulsory service requires “public acceptance.” The “enormous potential of a universal mandatory service year” and the “certainty of personally contributing to the country’s security and stability” are highlighted as significant justifications driving Germany toward a new mandatory conscription turning point.
RND writes that women as well as men, and older adults alongside young people, would be included in this framework, adding that people could finally “do something for the state—and consequently for themselves.”
Compulsory military service was suspended in July 2011, which in practice meant the abolition of both military and civilian service. Civilian service was replaced by the Federal Voluntary Service.
At the beginning of this year, a new military service framework came into effect. The foundation of this arrangement relies on a mandatory health examination for young men born in 2008 and later. Through this mechanism, the aim is to recruit volunteers to strengthen the armed forces.
Should target capacity ranges fail to be met, the Bundestag may enact a decision on “need-based mandatory conscription.”
Europe
European carmakers turn to Chinese rivals to salvage struggling plants
European carmakers, struggling with severe headwinds and halted assembly lines across numerous plants, are turning to Chinese rivals to salvage their operations.
A report by the Financial Times outlines the perilous situation facing factories across the continent, particularly in Italy.
The sprawling Fiat automobile plant in Cassino, located 130 km southeast of Rome and once an engine of the local economy, has taken on a desolate, near-abandoned atmosphere.
The facility’s 2,200 employees are summoned to work only a few days a month. In the first half of 2026, the plant produced just 6,700 cars, representing a minuscule fraction of its annual capacity of 300,000 units.
Denise Tisci, a 40-year-old mother of three who has worked at the plant since 2007, has not worked a shift since May and relies on a government temporary lay-off scheme alongside her colleagues.
“We have cut back on many things, even basic, simple things like taking the children out for a pizza,” Tisci said. “Having to look our children in the face is deeply humiliating.”
Fiat workers expect Stellantis, the automaker’s parent company, to seek a Chinese solution for the Cassino plant, mirroring its recent agreements in Spain and France with Leapmotor and Dongfeng.
This situation is not unique to Fiat, as a growing number of European carmakers turn to Chinese competitors to resolve issues caused in part by their rapid expansion into the region.
Emanuele Cappellano, head of European operations at Stellantis, told the Financial Times regarding the company’s recent partnerships in China:
“This is not just a way to survive and catch up with our new rivals, but also an opportunity to boost sales volume and achieve growth in Europe.”
A total closure of the group’s Italian factories has been ruled out, and Cappellano noted that a solution for Cassino will be found by the end of the year.
As the company seeks a partner to revitalize its struggling Maserati brand, a likely scenario involves collaborating with a Chinese group with which it already maintains ties.
This could involve either its electric vehicle (EV) joint-venture partner Leapmotor or state-owned Dongfeng.
“Any partner that moves its production to these factories is not a problem for us. The crisis in the automotive sector is impacting the entire economy,” said Enzo Salera, Mayor of Cassino, adding that local retailers and restaurants have also been severely affected.
European automotive production accounts for approximately 7% of the continent’s GDP and provides employment to roughly 14 million people.
With regional car sales remaining roughly 3 million units below pre-pandemic levels and Chinese rivals capturing market share, other companies have begun adopting new strategies to survive.
Nissan is collaborating with Chery in the UK, Volkswagen continues discussions with Xpeng, and Ford has signed an agreement with Geely in Spain.
Jim Baumbick, head of Ford in Europe, remarked last week while announcing the collaboration with Geely: “The environment in Europe has changed forever. The objective is to achieve the lowest possible cost.”
According to AlixPartners, plant utilization rates in the European automotive sector are running below 60%, leaving a total production capacity of approximately 2.5 million vehicles potentially idle.
Stellantis is doubling down on a strategy that some industry executives view as a short-term fix, but one that could prove self-destructive if local supply chains and technological know-how are not reinforced.
Stellantis has invited Leapmotor and Dongfeng to manufacture models at its facilities in Spain and France.
The Dongfeng agreement was broadly welcomed by French workers because it could help save a 1960s-era plant in Rennes, Brittany.
Like many other Stellantis plants in the country, the Rennes facility had been reduced to a single assembly line, with surrounding land sold off.
Laurent Oechsel, a representative of the French CFE-CGC union at Stellantis, asked: “Right now, Chinese-made cars are sitting in our ports. Do we want to keep fighting against this as the textile sector once did, or do we want to continue producing cars in France alongside the Chinese?”
The challenge for European policymakers, carmakers, and trade unions is to ensure that manufacturing partnerships preserve employment while bolstering the region’s supply chains with Chinese technology.
Currently, many Chinese vehicles marketed as being produced in Europe are equipped primarily with parts manufactured in China and shipped to the EU for final assembly.
Adolfo Urso, Italy’s Minister of Industry, told the Financial Times:
“If the objective is to establish a technological industrial partnership that can fill the factory, keep it viable, and help protect the supply chain, that is welcome. Provided, of course, that people come to Italy to produce, not merely to assemble.”
While partnerships are common among carmakers, European manufacturers hope to learn how to produce cars faster and more cheaply through Chinese alliances.
In return, Chinese brands want to scale up European manufacturing ahead of strict new local content rules that Brussels plans to enforce in mid-2027, aimed at driving investment into the continent, creating new jobs, and enabling technology and skills transfers.
Under the Industrial Accelerator Act, the EU proposes a 70% local content threshold for car parts to qualify for subsidies or public procurement. Local battery production is also expected to commence in the future.
Major uncertainties remain regarding the extent to which Chinese companies will transfer technological know-how and intellectual property rights, as well as how quickly they will begin utilizing European-sourced components.
In Spain, where the government successfully persuaded Chinese companies such as battery maker CATL, Chery, and SAIC (owner of MG) to set up factories, no guarantees have yet been secured regarding technology transfers or the proportion of local labor and components to be used.
Deep concern prevails across the automotive supply chain, where component manufacturers employ twice as many workers as carmakers.
“Those of us working in the supply chain could be at risk,” said Marco Leone, 62, an employee at a firm manufacturing sheet metal fenders for the Cassino plant.
Similar concerns surround Nissan’s agreement to share production at its Sunderland plant with Chery starting next year.
Sources familiar with the discussions stated that three models would be produced for the Chinese group, which also owns the Jaecoo and Omoda brands.
Ian Henry, an automotive manufacturing expert who leads the consultancy AutoAnalysis, warned: “Suppose that in the first year, the cars are essentially produced from kits originating in China. That is great for workers on the assembly line, but not necessarily as beneficial for employees in Nissan’s press shop, body shop, and paint shop, or for local tier-one suppliers.”
Henry added that Chery would need to rapidly increase its localization rate to export to the EU, but the timeline remains uncertain, and discussions continue over whether UK-produced cars will be included within the “Made in Europe” framework.
A source close to the talks noted that the higher cost of utilizing UK suppliers also presents an obstacle.
Chinese automotive executives stress their commitment to using local supply chains, while acknowledging that the transition will not occur overnight.
Charlie Zhang, executive vice president of Chery International, told the Financial Times:
“Localization is a gradual process; it is measured not by the calendar, but by the maturity of supply chains, cost structures, and our readiness to become part of the local industrial ecosystem.”
Analysts argue that sluggish demand in China and the pressure to boost exports represent the primary obstacles to localization in Europe.
With the government pressing manufacturers to utilize idle capacity, China’s global exports are projected to rise by 41% this year, exceeding 10 million units.
Thomas Besson, head of automotive research at Kepler Cheuvreux, noted: “Because domestic demand in China has fallen well short of expectations, the pressure on Chinese automakers to export is far greater. Despite frequently expressing their intentions, Chinese carmakers have not yet begun producing significant volumes of vehicles in Europe.”
The “Made in Europe” proposals will further drive up car manufacturing costs in Europe, potentially forcing some Chinese producers with smaller sales volumes to forgo European subsidies and continue exporting in the near term.
A senior executive at a Chinese carmaker stated: “If it becomes financially too expensive, we will pay the tariff and continue shipping cars [from China].”
For certain Chinese carmakers like BYD, joint ventures make little strategic sense.
Stella Li, top executive for international operations at BYD, described a joint venture as “impossible,” stating: “I think it is better to manage on our own. Asking for permission is very difficult. We make our decisions in five minutes.”
BYD plans to commence mass production of its vehicles in Hungary by the end of this year. However, the “Made in Europe” proposal has prompted the company to seek a second site in Spain or France before completing its factory in Türkiye as previously announced.
Not all European carmakers are pursuing Chinese partnerships. Some analysts argue that companies operating independently can react faster to market shifts, with no guarantee that Chinese partners will succeed in Europe.
“I believe companies that remain independent retain far greater control,” said JPMorgan analyst Jose Asumendi.
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