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France pushes for Russian nuclear partnership in Germany despite security concerns

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A Russian state-owned company is set to become involved in nuclear fuel production within the heart of the European Union as part of a controversial French proposal currently awaiting approval from German officials.

The French-Russian joint venture, slated to manufacture nuclear fuel rods and assemblies in Lingen in northwestern Germany, is being pitched as a key component of EU energy security at a time when nuclear power is viewed as indispensable for transitioning away from fossil fuels.

However, this initiative coincides with the EU’s broader push to ban all energy imports from Russia. The proposal has sparked concern within regional and federal governments regarding the risks of espionage and other security threats.

German officials are expected to decide whether to approve the plans within the next few weeks.

The facility would be operated by Framatome, a subsidiary of the French state energy company EDF, utilizing Russian components supplied by TVEL, a division of the Kremlin-controlled nuclear giant Rosatom.

TVEL will not be directly involved in the facility’s operations but will supply the Russian-made components essential for the production of the nuclear fuel.

The Russian-designed fuel is currently utilized in 19 Soviet-era nuclear reactors across five EU nations in Eastern and Northern Europe, as well as in 15 reactors in Ukraine.

Framatome is lobbying intensely for German officials to approve the project, mobilizing the full weight of the French government—right up to President Emmanuel Macron—and arguing that what is good business for the company is also good for Europe.

Nevertheless, saying yes is politically difficult for Germany. Officials in Berlin are concerned about security risks and Russian espionage, with some warning against allowing a Russian firm to establish a foothold in the country.

German regional authorities must also approve the plan, and they are not particularly enthusiastic. Lower Saxony Environment Minister Christian Meyer is notably skeptical; his department holds the final authority for the Lingen project.

“Germany once allowed Gazprom access to critical energy infrastructure at the Rehden gas storage facility and became vulnerable to blackmail when Putin turned off the gas tap during the crisis,” Meyer told POLITICO.

Meyer warned that they risk repeating a similar mistake if they grant Rosatom access to sensitive nuclear technology for fuel element production in Lingen.

The project is currently under review by Germany’s environment ministry and national security agencies. POLITICO has examined how Framatome is quietly applying pressure behind the scenes to secure a decision from Berlin, even as the German government seeks to reach a legally watertight conclusion.

The collaboration between Framatome and Rosatom is not new. In 2021, the two companies signed a long-term partnership agreement for nuclear fuel production. They also established a joint venture in France, in which Framatome holds a 75% stake and Rosatom’s subsidiary TVEL holds 25%.

In March 2022, just weeks after the war began, Advanced Nuclear Fuels—a wholly-owned subsidiary of Framatome—applied to the Lower Saxony environment ministry for an atomic regulatory license to manufacture Russian-designed nuclear fuel assemblies in Lingen.

The company has spent more than three years working toward the goal of producing hexagonal fuel in Lingen using Rosatom’s technology and components. The company argues that this move will ultimately reduce dependency on Russia.

The French nuclear company’s project will ultimately lead to a “100% sovereign, genuine European solution.” Lionel Gaiffe, senior executive vice president at Framatome, told POLITICO, “Only Framatome can do this.”

“I am not saying it is perfect,” the executive added, but he argued that the project would enable Europe to reduce its reliance on Russian nuclear fuel “very quickly.”

The French firm’s project consists of two phases. Through the joint venture, it aims to reproduce the Russian design at its factories in Lingen and Romans-sur-Isère, France, using Russian-made components.

The Lingen factory will produce fuel for four VVER 1000 reactors located in Bulgaria and Czechia, while the French factory will supply fuel for 15 VVER 440 reactors in Finland, Czechia, Slovakia, and Hungary.

In parallel, Framatome is working to develop its own in-house design and guarantees that the teams working on these two projects are “completely separate.”

Framatome insists that no Russian engineers have set foot in the Lingen facility and that contacts with representatives of the Russian firm have been limited since the start of the war in Ukraine.

“We can have discussions between Russia and France, make contact, and sometimes meet and argue. Everything we do is, by definition, done in conjunction with the relevant administrations and supervisory authorities. There is no doubt about that,” said Gaiffe.

On the other hand, an expert report commissioned by the German federal government in 2023 cast doubt on this explanation. The report warned that cooperation with Rosatom at the Lingen facility could pose serious threats to national and external security.

These threats include direct interference in the facility’s operations, influence over security-related decisions, intelligence gathering on internal processes, and risks of industrial espionage.

Referencing the report written by German academic Gerhard Roller, the Lower Saxony ministry requested classified assessments from federal ministries and agencies in 2024 during Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s tenure, but the government collapsed before a decision could be reached.

The Lower Saxony government is awaiting updated assessments from federal agencies before deciding how to proceed in coordination with the federal environment ministry.

It remains unclear whether the federal government shares Lower Saxony Environment Minister Meyer’s critical view. According to individuals familiar with the process, there is sympathy for the project in Berlin.

Paris supports the project but is careful to remain cautious. “This is a highly sensitive subject. It is not something we want to advertise,” said a French official who requested anonymity.

Two individuals familiar with the discussions indicated that Merz and his French counterpart Macron discussed the Lingen issue once this year.

A French nuclear executive at EDF said the project could be summarized by a single question: “Should Russian fuel be replaced by French or American fuel?”

“This is a matter of a trade and economic war against the US,” the EDF executive added.

This perception is not limited to Paris. On the other side of the Atlantic, Washington’s strategic calculations are equally clear.

“The US is definitely not pleased about Russia entering Germany’s fuel element production market via Rosatom. This could backfire on Germany in the long term,” said Meyer.

Meanwhile, Framatome is lobbying German officials to influence the decision. According to Bundestag lobbying records, the company has commissioned the consultancy firm Berlin Global Advisors to lobby for the approval of the Lingen application in 2024.

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Digital ministers from D9+ group urge EU to establish common age limit for social media

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Digital ministers from the D9+ group, which represents some of the European Union’s most digitally advanced member states, are pushing for a unified approach to address growing concerns over children’s safety on social media.

In a joint declaration, 14 EU tech ministers led by Luxembourg called on the European Commission to adopt “a truly European approach to protecting children online” by coordinating the enforcement of EU rules governing child safety.

They also urged the bloc to develop “a common approach to the digital age of majority across the EU,” referring to a potential union-wide age limit for accessing social media platforms.

Last month, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen indicated that the bloc could consider introducing legislation to this effect as early as this summer.

However, the declaration also highlights a dissenting voice. Estonia, which has emerged as a prominent critic of EU social media restrictions, raised objections to horizontal age restrictions at the EU level and stated that it does not support provisions aimed at enforcing age limits on digital platforms.

Estonia also opposed what it described as “disproportionate” age verification measures that would require all users to verify their age and identity.

In contrast, the remaining members of the D9+ group supported “privacy-preserving EU-wide age verification” in the declaration.

This position appears to reference the EU’s own age-verification technology intended for national implementation, which the Commission asserts is secure from a privacy perspective.

The member states also demanded that online platforms adapt their interfaces based on the age and vulnerability of their users.

This refers to ensuring platforms are safe by design and age-appropriate by default.

Furthermore, the ministers requested that the Digital Fairness Act (DFA)—a set of rules aimed at strengthening online consumer protection by tackling dark patterns and addictive designs, which the Commission plans to propose by the end of the year—be a “targeted” instrument within the context of the bloc’s broader regulatory simplification efforts.

The declaration also addresses other digital policy areas, with a particular emphasis on the EU’s technology sovereignty following the Commission’s adoption of a major microchip and cloud proposal last week.

The 14 digital ministers demanded that technology sovereignty be pursued “openly,” calling for measures to ensure that digital sovereignty does not become “solely an EU-specific vision.”

This phrasing implies that the D9+ countries would reject EU digital infrastructure support measures that could be accused of being protectionist by excluding foreign providers.

The Commission’s draft Cloud and AI Development Act allows foreign cloud providers the flexibility to obtain certification as EU partners at nearly the highest sovereignty levels.

The D9+ group includes the following countries: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Ireland, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Poland, and Sweden.

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Germany and France scrap joint fighter jet project amid industrial deadlock

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Germany and France have abandoned their plans to jointly develop a next-generation fighter jet, following deep-seated industrial disputes that have derailed one of Europe’s most ambitious defense initiatives.

The collapse of the program represents a significant setback for French President Emmanuel Macron’s long-standing vision of strengthening European defense integration and strategic autonomy.

A German government official, speaking to POLITICO on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter, stated: “President [Emmanuel] Macron and Federal Chancellor [Friedrich Merz] have reached a joint conclusion that the companies involved are unable to come together to produce a joint fighter aircraft. They accept this reality.” The official added: “For this reason, Chancellor Merz has advised President Macron not to pursue further work on the development of a joint combat aircraft.”

The project, known as the Future Combat Air System (FCAS), was launched in 2017 but had repeatedly stalled due to fierce disagreements between France’s Dassault Aviation and Germany’s Airbus Defence and Space over which entity would take the lead. Spain is also a partner in the FCAS program, which was intended to replace the German Eurofighter and the French Rafale fleets by approximately 2040.

Beyond the core fighter jet, the program encompasses a “system of systems,” including drones and a “combat cloud”—a digital backbone designed to integrate sensors, satellites, unmanned platforms, and manned aircraft into a single operational network.

Late Monday, the Elysee Palace issued a statement confirming that Airbus Defence and Space and Dassault Aviation had failed to reach an agreement. The French presidency implied that the decision to terminate the project was a unilateral German move, telling reporters: “German authorities concluded that it was no longer possible to exert further pressure on the companies in question. France maintains the view that Franco-German cooperation in defense and security remains vital for both our countries and our European partners.”

Despite the failure of the fighter jet component, the German official did not rule out continued cooperation between Paris and Berlin on drones and the combat cloud system. “The core of FCAS will continue as a European ‘system of systems.’ This is, in a sense, the nervous system that connects aircraft, drones, and other components into an integrated whole,” the official said.

The official further noted that the French and German defense ministries would be tasked with developing a work plan for industrial defense cooperation “focused on several realistic and relevant projects.”

The FCAS is not the only multilateral defense program facing significant hurdles. Joint Franco-German plans to develop maritime patrol aircraft, a next-generation tank (Main Ground Combat System), and new artillery systems have all faltered in recent years. Simultaneously, the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP)—a rival fighter jet project led by the United Kingdom, Italy, and Japan—has also experienced internal friction.

France has effectively withdrawn from the multi-billion-euro, four-nation Eurodrone program. The future of that initiative remains uncertain as the remaining partners—Germany, Italy, and Spain—evaluate how to proceed.

The termination of the FCAS fighter jet component was not a sudden rupture but the culmination of a protracted and attritional struggle between Europe’s two most influential defense firms, Airbus and Dassault Aviation. As previously reported by POLITICO, German and French officials had been privately acknowledging for months that the fighter jet element of the project was effectively “dead.”

The deadlock intensified last summer when Dassault, the manufacturer of the Rafale, pushed to secure the undisputed lead in the construction of the FCAS fighter. Under that proposal, Airbus would have been relegated to the role of a subcontractor with limited oversight of the design, while Dassault would have retained the power to select suppliers, determine workshare, and act as the sole point of contact for customers.

Airbus rejected this approach as a fundamental violation of the original partnership agreement. The company argued it would transform a European cooperative program into a French-led project subsidized by German and Spanish funding and industrial expertise. By September, reports emerged that Berlin had begun exploring alternative options, including potential cooperation with Sweden or joining the rival GCAP program.

Beyond industrial control, Paris and Berlin remained divided over the technical specifications of the aircraft. France required a lighter jet capable of carrier-based operations, while Germany sought a heavier airframe optimized for air superiority missions. Berlin eventually proposed building two separate versions of the aircraft, a solution Paris rejected.

In March, Merz and Macron agreed to give the project a final opportunity to succeed, but subsequent negotiations failed to bridge the deep divisions. On Monday, the German Chancellery officially notified Airbus of the decision to cancel the project. According to La Tribune, Merz is expected to formally announce the decision on Wednesday during the opening of the ILA Berlin Air Show.

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UK underwater deterrent facing scrutiny as all active Astute-class submarines remain in port

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All five of the Royal Navy’s active Astute-class nuclear-powered attack submarines are reportedly held in port for repairs or maintenance, leaving the UK with no operational vessels of this class ready for deployment.

According to a report by The Telegraph, which cited naval sources, although a sixth submarine of the same class has officially joined the fleet, it is not yet ready for deployment.

The current situation means that the UK temporarily lacks any nuclear-powered attack submarines cleared for active operations. Ryan Ramsey, a former nuclear submarine commander, described the development as a serious warning signal. “We look vulnerable,” Ramsey said. “The Russians know we can’t get our submarines to sea. When you cannot provide a deterrent at sea, you lose credibility in the eyes of the Russians.”

Lord Alan West, the former First Sea Lord and former security minister, also described the state of the submarine fleet as unacceptable and deeply concerning.

The UK Ministry of Defence stated in response to the reports that it does not normally comment on the operational status of the submarine fleet. Emphasizing that British waters remain protected at all times through a range of measures, the ministry added that strengthening underwater capability continues to be a top priority.

Astute-class nuclear submarines are tasked with protecting the UK’s Vanguard-class strategic ballistic missile submarines, which carry the country’s nuclear deterrent, as well as the aircraft carriers HMS Queen Elizabeth and HMS Prince of Wales during their deployments.

Separately, the UK’s Vice Chief of the Defence Staff, General Gwyn Jenkins, admitted in an interview with the Swedish newspaper Svenska Dagbladet in April that the Royal Navy was not sufficiently prepared for a potential war.

While noting that the navy possesses the resources to conduct combat operations and that personnel stand ready to carry out orders, Jenkins added: “But are we as ready as we should be? I think not.” He indicated that efforts to improve readiness levels remain ongoing.

Previously, The Sun newspaper reported that only two of the UK’s six Type 45 destroyers were operational. One of these active vessels, HMS Dragon, was deployed to the Mediterranean to protect British military bases in Cyprus.

The Telegraph also reported that due to a shortage of available ships, the government in London was forced to utilize a German vessel.

The state of the Royal Navy has been described in the British parliament as a “national embarrassment,” while US President Donald Trump has criticized the fleet, referring to it as a “toy navy,” according to reports by The Guardian.

Meanwhile, Russian President Vladimir Putin has repeatedly stated that Russia has no intention of fighting a war with Europe, dismissing such claims as nonsense. Putin has maintained that Western governments are escalating the situation to portray Russia as an adversary.

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