Opinion
Is Israel moving towards direct conflict with Iran instead of proxy war?
On 4 October, Israel and the United States were discussing how to respond to Iran’s second missile attack on 1 October. In particular, an attack on Iranian oil facilities was on the agenda. Iran made it clear to the US and Israel that it would no longer be limited to ‘unilateral restraint’ and that any Israeli attack would be met with ‘extraordinary retaliation’. As a result, international oil prices rose for three days in a row, to $75 a barrel for Brent and $71 a barrel for Texas crude, the longest such increase since August.
Israel’s military means are now advancing rapidly and ignoring US President Biden’s suggestions and concerns, constantly escalating the situation in the Middle East and worsening the crisis. It does not even hesitate to pay a huge price for the global economy by jeopardising the world energy supply. Israel may even decide to end its 45-year proxy war with Iran and engage in direct conflict.
In this new era, during the Palestinian-Israeli conflict on the verge of a one-year peace, Iran fired 200 medium-range missiles at Israel, reigniting a potential regional crisis stretching from the Eastern Mediterranean to the Persian Gulf. Iran claimed that the massive airstrike was carried out to avenge the deaths of Lebanese Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah and Abbas Nilfrushan, deputy head of the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) Quds Force. On 28 September, the Israeli Air Force dropped at least 80 depth charges on the Hezbollah headquarters in southern Beirut, immediately destroying several buildings and killing Nasrallah and Nilfrushan.
In the aftermath, Nasrallah’s body was found intact and without obvious wounds, apparently killed by the shock waves from the massive explosion. This suggests that Israeli intelligence knew Nasrallah’s whereabouts and movements very accurately, and that an intensive bombardment of the target was carried out.
On October 2, Lebanese Foreign Minister Abdullah Habib told CNN that Nasrallah’s death occurred after he had shown a willingness to approach a ceasefire. Habib explained that following calls from U.S. President Biden and French President Macron at the UN General Assembly, the Lebanese government had negotiated a ceasefire with Hezbollah. Nasrallah had accepted the ceasefire for 21 days, and this was communicated to both the U.S. and France. Iran, however, claimed that Nilfrushan died because he told Nasrallah to go to Tehran to avoid the risks.
The trees want to be quiet, but the wind won’t stop. If Lebanon confirms the above statement, it shows that the Netanyahu government does not want to see Hezbollah declare its acceptance of the ceasefire, that it has no intention of stopping its ‘Northern Offensive’ against Hezbollah, and that it is determined to escalate the conflict to target Iran. The war may even turn into an all-out war involving Lebanon, Syria and Iran. On 2 October, an Israeli air strike on a house in Damascus killed Nasrallah’s son-in-law, Hassan Karsi. Nasrallah has two daughters married to senior Hamas officials, and Nasrallah’s other son-in-law is likely to be on Israel’s hit list sooner or later, as the Netanyahu government is determined to fight Hezbollah to the death.
Hezbollah accepted the ceasefire offer and Nasrallah was killed. Is this a strange situation? No, it isn’t. Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, who was killed by Israeli military intelligence in Tehran on 31 July, was also a peace leader and wanted a ceasefire in Gaza. It is the basic logic and formula of the Netanyahu government to eliminate negotiating partners, to block peace talks, to fight with super-military means, to import endless economic and military aid from the United States and to achieve a zero-sum outcome.
Since Iran’s attack used strategic strike weapons and partially penetrated Israel’s Iron Dome defence system, although it deliberately avoided casualties, it ultimately broke Israel’s strategic defence and deterrence system and increased Iran’s capacity for strategic surprise and deterrence. This increases the likelihood of a major Israeli retaliation. It is expected that Israel will not rest and will not rule out that the retaliation will go beyond the symbolic attack of 18 April, that Iranian political and military leaders, government and military units, nuclear and oil facilities, important ports and airports, etc. could become the target of the attack, and even that warplanes could be sent deep into the Iranian hinterland to carry out the attack. In short, the show of force ball is once again in Israel’s half, and it is up to Netanyahu and his war cabinet to decide.
The Netanyahu government has turned into a real war cabinet, a combination of ‘Ivan the Terrible’ and ‘Ivan the Mad’. ‘Ivan the Terrible’ refers to Ivan IV of the Russian Empire, who, out of mistrust, killed anyone he perceived as a threat, including the elderly Crown Prince; “Ivan the Madman” refers to Cold War tactics in which Soviet Union submarines risked collision at sea by making sudden manoeuvres to evade pursuit.
Instead of a ceasefire in Gaza, the Netanyahu government is rejecting the terms of the Axis of Resistance and expanding its attacks in an attempt to destroy Hezbollah, which is stronger and more flexible than Hamas. This is being done at the risk of escalating the regional conflict to the Third Lebanon War or the Sixth Middle East War, putting Israel in a protracted state of war and provoking a war between the United States and Iran.
The American political news network ‘Politico’ reported on 2 October that the Biden administration has become ineffective against the Netanyahu government, trying only to persuade Netanyahu not to attack Iran’s nuclear facilities directly, but with little room left to influence his decisions. Citing two anonymous American officials, the report noted that the Biden administration has recognised that its influence in the Middle East is diminishing and that, after a year, it is no longer able to prevent the situation – regional war – that it has been trying to stop. The current option is to limit Israel’s response, but not to stop its actions altogether.
The article also stated that the Netanyahu government has repeatedly ignored American proposals and expanded its war aims in Gaza, which has created serious domestic political pressures on the Biden government due to the growing humanitarian crisis. This has led to even stronger calls for Biden to distance himself from Netanyahu. It was stated that with the weakening of Biden’s influence on Netanyahu, his anger increased, and his phone calls began to turn into more and more ‘loud debates’. Biden told close friends that Netanyahu had no intention of reaching a ceasefire, but rather was trying to save his own political future by prolonging the conflict and at the same time trying to help Republican candidate Trump in the November elections.
Netanyahu is known to have strong personal ties and interests with Trump and his Jewish son-in-law Kushner. According to some reports, Netanyahu stayed at the Kushner family home while studying in the United States. When Trump entered the White House in 2017, he made his first official visit to Israel; recognised Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, breaking with the policies adopted by more than 20 years of bipartisan government; terminated the Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA), hated by the Israeli right; presented the ‘Deal of the Century’, which sacrificed key Palestinian interests; and persuaded four Arab countries to normalise relations with Israel, abandoning the principle of ‘peace in exchange for land’.
In contrast, Netanyahu’s relationship with the American Democratic Party is highly sensitive and turbulent. Although Biden is personally close to Israel and the Jewish people, the Obama administration tried to balance Palestine and Israel, promoted reconciliation between Saudi Arabia and Iran, reached a nuclear deal with Iran despite the opposition of the Israeli right, recognised the ‘Shiite crescent’ as Iran’s sphere of influence, and had the United Nations Security Council adopt Resolution 2334 condemning Israel’s illegal settlements before the end of its term at the end of 2016.
A month before the American elections, the Netanyahu government decides to expand the scale of the Middle East war, putting the Biden government and the Democrats in a difficult situation, and raising the suspicion of winning votes for Trump and the Republican Party. The problem is that as long as Netanyahu continues to go this far, the Biden team cannot stop, even if it wants to; it follows Israel’s war policies dependently, constantly supplying it with weapons and continuing to offer strategic support. It can be said that America maintains its security commitment to Israel, but in fact America’s Middle East policy and national interests are completely under Israel’s influence.
If the Netanyahu government shows some respect to the Biden team and prevents attacking Iran’s nuclear facilities, it will reduce the risk of nuclear proliferation, but will it miss the opportunity to attack Iran’s oil facilities, restrict oil revenues and drive a wedge between the Iranian people and their government? Iran is one of the leading oil producing countries in the world, although it is under US sanctions and embargoes, its actual daily production and grey exports are estimated to be around 2 million barrels. Although the oversupply situation in the world oil market is currently quite stable, the destruction of Iran’s oil facilities could lead to a major contraction in future energy supplies, especially since Russia is not expected to resume normal oil and gas exports in a few years.
More importantly, how will Iran retaliate against Israel again? After the Haniyeh incident, Iran announced that it would take revenge on Israel, and even notified Israel of predetermined targets through Hungary, but the second move has still not materialised. For Iran, the killing of Nasrallah and Nilfrushan meant that a new hatred was added to the old revenge unpaid, and it was a great humiliation for Iran that Israel went one step further. Therefore, with no chance of retreat, Tehran was forced to respond harshly and for the first time used medium-range missiles, difficult to defend and of great political significance.
Of course, regardless of whether the revenge was real or not, one should look at the effects rather than propaganda. Such a massive and shocking punitive air strike seems to have caused no serious damage to Israel, the only confirmed death being a Palestinian civilian in the West Bank who died from the debris of Iranian missiles. What an irony this is!
Iran has already announced the end of its military confrontation with Israel, which means that they are loudly presenting their ‘peace offer’. The question is that Netanyahu has now realised that Iran does not want to escalate and that America will support Israel in any case, so it is entirely up to him to decide when to attack, how small or how big. The conflict and hostility between Israel and Iran is a structural and long-term problem. Either Israel ends its illegal occupation of Arab lands, or Iran renounces the export of the ‘Islamic Revolution’; there is no other way to peace.
Prof. Ma is Dean of the Institute of Mediterranean Studies (ISMR) at Zhejiang International Studies University (Hangzhou). He specialises in international politics, particularly Islam and Middle East politics. He worked for many years as a senior Xinhua correspondent in Kuwait, Palestine and Iraq.
Opinion
Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France
The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.
In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.
Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.
Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.
The shadow of 17 October 1961
It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.
Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.
This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.
To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?
Looters on the streets, where are the police?
Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.
While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.
It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.
To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?
The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.
A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges
The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.
The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.
The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.
These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.
The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.
In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.
An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands
Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.
Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.
To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.
Opinion
What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?
By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.
The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.
There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.
For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.
Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.
Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.
There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.
For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.
Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?
Let us give another example from the Turkic world.
On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?
We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?
Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.
In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?
In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?
Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?
How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?
Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?
How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?
Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?
These questions can certainly be multiplied.
Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.
Opinion
The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East
In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.
In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.
Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.
Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.
A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East
On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.
These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.
If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.
Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.
The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.
Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.
For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.
The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again
The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.
Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.
The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.
Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.
Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.
Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.
Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.
In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.
Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.
In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.
Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.
A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.
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