Europe
EU governments push to narrow “Made in Europe” preference rules in industrial draft bill
EU governments are moving to overhaul the “Made in Europe” concept—one of the most politically sensitive provisions of the proposed Industrial Accelerator Act (IAA)—in favor of a legally precise framework grounded in trade agreements and product-specific market access.
Under the plan, member states aim to replace the broad “Made in Europe” definition originally drafted by the European Commission. According to the latest EU Council compromise document, prepared by the Irish presidency last week and obtained by Politico, national governments are introducing a new “partner origin” category. This classification will govern when goods from non-EU nations are deemed equivalent to European products in public procurement and state-support programs.
Rather than assuming all free-trade partners share identical status, the proposal distinguishes between products covered by the World Trade Organization’s Agreement on Government Procurement and those governed by the EU’s standalone free-trade or customs union agreements. Whether a specific product qualifies will depend not merely on the existence of a trade deal, but on the bloc’s actual procurement commitments regarding that specific good.
The Council’s compromise seeks to reshape the Commission’s initial two-tier approach, which granted the EU executive broad discretion to determine whether countries with public procurement and free-trade agreements qualified. That permissive interpretation raised prospects that nearly 80 countries could gain eligibility, sparking deep concern in member states such as France over the breadth of access. By contrast, Industrial Commissioner Stéphane Séjourné had previously suggested that the “Made in Europe” club might be restricted to as few as 20 nations.
To assert control, the Council’s text proposes utilizing implementing acts rather than delegated acts. This procedural shift ensures EU member states retain a formal vote on adding or excluding third countries, allowing them to evaluate whether those nations grant reciprocal treatment to European products or pose risks regarding strategic dependencies and security of supply.
The overarching objective of the IAA is to deploy public resources and single-market leverage to shield energy-intensive industries, net-zero technology providers, and the automotive sector from “unfair foreign competition.” This strategy includes using public procurement to privilege products that satisfy domestic-content rules or qualify for “Made in Europe” preference.
For the framework to function operationally, the Commission will need to maintain product-specific lists of eligible countries through its Access2Markets portal. The Council proposes that contracting authorities relying on this database to determine procurement scope will not be found in violation of EU law solely because of errors present in the public portal.
In a critical adjustment to Chapter III of the IAA—which establishes the definition of EU origin—the Council has introduced the concept of “melted and poured” to determine the origin of steel products. This modification aligns the legislation with existing rules, including the tightened EU steel import quotas that took effect last month.
In Annex II of the draft text, the Council retains mandatory European-content thresholds for steel, cement, and aluminum. However, it introduces a contingency allowing the 2029 enforcement date for these thresholds to be postponed if the relevant delegated acts and technical specifications are not finalized at least six months in advance.
This conditional delay signals potential slippage in the implementation timeline for the IAA. Combined with provisions in the draft regulation that have been shifted from mandatory to optional status, the changes demonstrate how far the Council has diverged from the Commission’s original proposal ahead of upcoming negotiations with the European Parliament.
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has called for the regulation to be adopted by the end of the year. However, with the Commission’s initial proposal delayed and rewritten before its eventual publication in March, the Council still making substantial amendments, and the Parliament not expected to finalize its position until September, the legislative timeline remains extremely tight.
Europe
Denmark to deploy conscripts to Greenland for first time amid Arctic security risks
Denmark has accelerated steps to bolster its military capacity, citing security risks in the Arctic region stemming from the US and Russia, alongside the environment created by the war in Ukraine.
According to Reuters, the country has conscripted approximately 1,600 new recruits for an 11-month term of service under its updated conscription regulations.
The new service term coincides with preparations to deploy conscripted soldiers to Greenland for the first time in Danish history.
Under the plan, more than 100 conscripts will assume operational duties from professional military personnel stationed in Greenland.
The newly conscripted soldiers will undergo five months of basic training, followed by six months of operational service.
Conscription in Denmark is conducted through a lottery system involving all 18-year-old men who meet medical fitness criteria.
However, the Danish armed forces rely primarily on volunteers for their military personnel.
Under a policy decision adopted in 2024, the Danish government extended the military service period from four months to 11 months and expanded mandatory conscription to include women for the first time.
According to Reuters, Copenhagen aims to increase its annual intake of recruits from 5,000 to 7,500 by 2033.
In addition to Denmark, mandatory military service is enforced in regional neighbors Sweden, Finland, and Norway, as well as the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania.
Military planning regarding Greenland took shape following statements by US President Donald Trump concerning the island. Trump’s remarks advocating the annexation of the island were rejected by the governments in Copenhagen and Nuuk.
Speaking at the NATO summit in Ankara, Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen declared that her country was prepared to defend every inch of the alliance, “including its own territory.”
Trump’s rhetoric regarding Greenland intensified once again during the winter months of this year.
Arguing that Denmark was unable to secure Greenland—an autonomous territory within the Kingdom of Denmark—Trump asserted that the island was essential to US national defense.
Trump further claimed that the island was surrounded by Russian and Chinese vessels.
In statements made in May, US Ambassador to Copenhagen Kenneth Howery reported that the US president had abandoned the concept of seizing the island through military force.
However, Trump reiterated his demand for the island in July, stating that Washington required Greenland.
Trump later claimed that Greenland could come under US control by January 2029, marking the end of his second presidential term.
Meanwhile, Commander of Denmark’s Joint Arctic Command in Greenland Søren Andersen stated in January that the Danish military presence on the island was focused not on a potential military threat from the US, but on possible Russian activities.
Andersen added that the long-term objective of the mission carried out by European NATO allies in Greenland was to “keep Russia at bay.”
The NATO mission referenced by Andersen, named “Arctic Sentinel,” aims to reinforce the alliance’s military presence in the Arctic region, expand maritime patrols, and counter Russian and Chinese activities in the area. The permanent operation was officially announced on February 11, 2026, when it was initiated.
Europe
Spain faces intense EU backlash over Ceuta migrant crisis as ministers gather for emergency talks
Spanish Minister of the Interior Fernando Grande-Marlaska is preparing to face criticism from all sides today during an emergency EU meeting convened over the Ceuta crisis.
According to a report by Euractiv, he will address the online gathering first, after which the floor will yield to other member states that issued harsh rebukes to his government last week over its handling of the illegal entry of 60,000 individuals into Spanish territory.
Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez issued a sharp response to the backlash, declaring that the reactions of other EU governments were shaped by “political self-interest, ignorance, and prejudice.”
Twenty-two of these governments united against him over the weekend in an open letter, holding the Spanish prime minister accountable for his pro-migration policies.
Leading the criticism, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni took steps toward introducing temporary internal border controls targeting travelers arriving from Spain.
According to multiple diplomats, ambassadors made a joint effort during a preparatory meeting yesterday (August 3) to defuse tensions and shift the focus toward future resolution.
Madrid accuses member states of a “lack of solidarity”
However, several officials noted that they still expect a political confrontation during the ministerial meeting.
Two diplomats said the Spanish ambassador delivered a lengthy presentation, accusing other member states of failing to show solidarity with Madrid.
One diplomat characterized the statement as a “30-minute tirade.”
Two other diplomats indicated that the direction of today’s meeting will depend largely on the stance taken by Grande-Marlaska, a longtime ally of Sánchez.
Speaking to the press on Monday, Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs José Manuel Albares stated that Madrid would demand greater solidarity from its European partners during the meeting, directing specific criticism at Italy.
In an interview, the minister argued that Rome had “acted inappropriately” by calling for the suspension of Spain’s membership in the Schengen free-movement zone.
Albares maintained that Ceuta and Melilla have never threatened the integrity of the free-travel area, pointing instead to migratory pressures in other regions of Europe.
Von der Leyen attempts to defuse tensions
European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen walked a careful line in a letter to Sánchez, attempting to ease friction while praising his efforts to resolve the crisis.
She also mollified the vast majority of European governments by asserting that the paramount lesson to draw from the crisis is that Europe must toughen its stance on migration.
EU Commissioner for Migration Magnus Brunner shared the following assessment in comments provided to Euractiv’s newsletter, Rapporteur:
“What matters now is that the EU acts in a unified manner and draws the correct conclusions from these events. For now, Europe has passed this test; people were unable to enter the Schengen area.”
However, Sánchez’s initiative to regularize the status of approximately 500,000 migrants in Spain is meeting severe pushback in the European Parliament.
The European People’s Party (EPP), the largest group in the European Parliament to which von der Leyen belongs, is intent on extracting a political cost from the government over the policy.
Dolors Montserrat, secretary general of the EPP and a Spanish center-right member of the European Parliament, said: “Rather than demanding respect, cooperation, and a reciprocal response from the Moroccan government, the Sánchez government has been more concerned with manufacturing conspiracy theories and igniting diplomatic disputes with its European partners.”
Sánchez faces mounting domestic pressure
At home, the right-wing Vox party is demanding that Albares and the head of the CNI appear before the Senate to provide a full accounting of the migration crisis in Ceuta.
The party submitted a comprehensive package of legislative initiatives aimed at forcing the government to produce all documents and intelligence in its possession prior to the mass arrival of migrants in Ceuta.
Concurrently, Vox requested that Foreign Minister José Manuel Albares and Director of the National Intelligence Center (CNI) Esperanza Casteleiro Llamazares appear before the Senate to explain the management process carried out during the crisis.
Vox Senator Ángel Pelayo Gordillo is specifically demanding copies of all correspondence exchanged between relevant ministries under Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, the CNI, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex), and Moroccan authorities.
He is also seeking the release of all prior communications, including warnings, forecasts, or intelligence assessments, that may have been transmitted to anticipate and prevent the events.
Vox leader Santiago Abascal visited Ceuta on Sunday, accusing the government of being subservient to Morocco.
Speaking to reporters, Abascal assigned full responsibility for the events to the government in Rabat and, above all, to Pedro Sánchez himself.
Abascal argued that Morocco acted under the assumption that it would face no reaction or retaliation, because the Spanish prime minister had, in his words, “subjugated himself to this African nation.”
Beyond Vox, right-wing groups Núcleo Nacional and SALF have also seized on the migration crisis to sharpen their rhetoric against the government.
Europe
German carmakers face historical crisis as Chinese competition and market contraction erode profits
The German automotive industry is enduring a severe period of distress, driven by intensifying competition from Chinese vehicle manufacturers and an increasingly overheated domestic market in China.
For decades, China served as the primary engine that propelled German carmakers into global titans, yielding robust sales and billions in profits. Today, that historic reliance has transformed into their heaviest liability.
According to an analysis published by Politico, domestic Chinese manufacturers—having spent decades observing, learning, and investing—are now producing better-equipped electric vehicles at prices lower than those offered by Volkswagen, BMW, and Mercedes-Benz.
At the same time, China’s automotive market—the largest in the world—has become severely overheated and contracted by a fifth this year. The sharp downturn has forced both domestic and foreign automakers into a ruthless battle for survival.
The tangible impact of this pressure became clear this month as German carmakers reported their half-year financial results, disclosing billions of dollars in losses alongside announcements of widespread layoffs and plant closures across Europe.
“The environment has never been as challenging as the one we face today,” Oliver Blume, Chief Executive Officer of the Volkswagen Group, told investors. “Looking ahead, the risks before us are steadily mounting.”
The structural distress within the auto sector delivers another blow to Germany’s already struggling economy. It also presents a escalating political predicament for Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s fragile coalition ahead of critical state elections this autumn.
Dismantled dreams in the automotive sector
Since the 1980s, China had functioned as the primary engine of high profit margins for German automakers.
To gain access to a vast and rapidly expanding consumer market, carmakers were required by Beijing to establish joint ventures with local partners.
For decades, that arrangement proved highly lucrative, delivering massive returns to shareholders.
However, in the post-pandemic era, Chinese companies rapidly outpaced their German rivals in electric vehicle technology, which gained swift adoption across China.
While German brands long enjoyed high prestige among Chinese consumers, buyers have swiftly shifted toward domestic manufacturers offering superior technology at lower price points.
“They are suffering massive losses in China and may no longer be able to recover there,” said Pedro Pacheco, an automotive analyst at the consulting firm Gartner.
Chronic problems spread beyond China into Germany
The fallout is increasingly being felt inside manufacturing plants within Germany itself, rather than remaining confined to China.
BMW announced this week that it will eliminate 8,000 jobs across Germany by the end of 2027, with severance payments set to begin in October.
Mercedes-Benz is asking its workforce to extend weekly working hours from 35 to 40 hours for the same pay.
Meanwhile, industry flagship Volkswagen is locked in negotiations with labor unions over plans to lay off 100,000 workers and shut down domestic factories.
This severe downturn is providing political momentum to the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, which is gaining traction in national polls.
The party is leveraging the auto sector’s decline and job losses to launch sharp attacks on the government.
“Even major industrial pillars like Volkswagen, Porsche, or Infineon are recording historic drops in profits and planning hundreds of thousands of layoffs in the coming years,” AfD co-leader Alice Weidel said this week. “This demonstrates how far the deindustrialization of our business hub has truly advanced.”
Merz and his governing coalition will get an initial indication of how these cutbacks resonate with voters during state elections this autumn in Saxony-Anhalt and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, both of which are strongholds for the AfD in eastern Germany.
Chinese vehicles begin to dominate European market
While automakers continue to perform well in North America and Europe, the collapse of sales in China is eroding overall profits.
Facing fierce domestic competition and systemic overcapacity at home, Chinese carmakers are exporting vehicles in record volumes.
Europe has emerged as their primary target market: China now sells more vehicles in Europe than Germany sells in China.
European consumers are enthusiastically embracing these imports. According to the latest data from the automotive industry association ACEA, sales of Chinese-made cars in the European Union surged by 63% in the first half of this year, rising from 338,000 units in 2025 to roughly 549,000 units in 2026.
That figure now represents nearly 10% of total European automobile sales.
Although German car companies carry an unparalleled exposure to China, even manufacturers with no operational footprint there, such as Renault, are feeling the severe impact of rising Chinese vehicle sales in Europe.
Automotive analyst Matthias Schmidt noted that the influx of inexpensive Chinese vehicles featuring advanced technology has put pressure on Renault and its budget brand, Dacia.
Renault disclosed on Thursday that sales of its Dacia brand fell by 8% year-on-year in the first half of 2026.
European firms forced into cooperation with Chinese rivals
The European Commission attempted to intervene by imposing tariffs on Chinese-made electric vehicles following an anti-subsidy investigation, but the added costs have done little to stem the inflow.
The tariffs do not apply to plug-in hybrid vehicles, leaving a lucrative loop-hole for Chinese manufacturers to exploit.
These shifting dynamics are driving several European automakers to forge direct partnerships with Chinese competitors.
Stellantis, the Franco-Italian-American conglomerate, established a joint venture with Chinese manufacturer Leapmotor. According to ACEA data, Leapmotor’s European sales surged from just 7,701 units in the first half of 2025 to 48,261 units during the same period this year.
Volkswagen CEO Blume hinted that his company could pursue a similar path, telling investors the carmaker might begin manufacturing certain models in Europe that were originally developed in China for European consumers.
Olaf Lies, Minister-President of Lower Saxony—a major shareholder in Volkswagen—said earlier this summer that it would be a strategic error for the automaker to isolate itself from China’s technological advancements.
“Our objective should not be to isolate technological developments from one another,” Lies stated.
However, Schmidt warned that such a strategy carries significant risks for the German brand’s equity.
He noted that these vehicles would effectively remain Chinese-engineered cars bearing a VW badge, a dynamic that could prompt consumers to buy the cheaper Chinese-branded versions directly.
Accelerating the search for new markets
European automakers are also attempting to offset losses by pursuing growth in emerging markets.
“North America, India, and the Global South represent our growth engines for tomorrow,” Blume told investors during a briefing.
Yet Chinese manufacturers have already established a commanding presence in those regions, dominating electric vehicle sales across Southeast Asia and Latin America.
Under heavy pressure, European automakers are also attempting to monetize their mass-production expertise by capturing a share of rising global defense spending.
Blume told investors that Volkswagen is engaged in “very advanced discussions” with a defense contractor, adding that he expects “a decision to be made within this year.”
However, portions of the workforce, particularly in Germany, remain hesitant about associating the company with the arms industry.
Furthermore, the move carries a serious risk of retaliation from Beijing. Earlier this month, China imposed export restrictions on 14 defense and technology firms, including German defense giant Rheinmetall.
While those measures were presented as retaliation against export curbs targeting Chinese entities, automotive companies entering the defense sector could find themselves exposed to similar actions.
“European carmakers must act very, very carefully because this is not just a quick gain,” Pacheco warned. “It may look like one, but once you step onto that chessboard, you need to know how to play chess.”
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