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Quo Vadis World Economy-III: The EU’s test with the interventionist state

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Both sides of the Atlantic reacted differently to the 2008–9 financial crisis. While the US and UK were pouring vast amounts of money into the market through enormously large rescue packages to bail out big banks. Evidently, this is a policy separate from the neoliberal doctrine of ‘fiscal discipline.’ On the other hand, Germany-led EU went for the neoliberal way. It did not only pursue the austerity measures that sparked social tensions throughout the continent and led to the rise of left and right populisms but also forced anti-austerity countries to implement them.

Now, while the ‘post-neoliberalism’ is being discussed, the United States is pursuing “protectionist” economic policies and seeking to involve its European and Asian allies in its struggle against China (and Russia). As a result of being severed with inexpensive Russian energy, the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) and the CHIP Act are fueling the EU’s concerns about deindustrialization. On the one hand, indebted and having dependent competitiveness on state interventions, Southern and Eastern Europe and the richer Northern countries, not in favor of rescuing the poorer with joint EU loans, on the other, Brussels is awaiting much more challenging days.

Letter of objection to the European Commission

The European Commission has received a letter signed by Austria, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Ireland, and Slovakia.

Not signatories to the letter, Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands also oppose the overall concept. The letter raises concerns about a proposed joint fund to support and shield the green industry from US subsidies. Instead of looking for new money, the letter demands, existing loan capacity should be utilized.

Only around 100 billion euros of the total of 390 billion euros of the post-pandemic recovery fund have been used, the seven countries recalled.

Central banks against governments

The tension between governments and central banks, which increase interest rates and employ monetary tightening to focus on ‘fighting inflation,’ is a prime illustration of the contention.

However, the epidemic years were a glorious time: The IMF, the World Bank, and national central banks all issued statements urging governments to “spend as much as you can.” It is believed that at that period, the United States pumped more than $2 trillion into the market via bond purchases and monetary expansion. During the same period, the EU helped the member countries stay afloat through joint borrowing and joint funds.

Now the disparity is widening, and it seems to be one of the most discussed topics among policymakers in the informal gatherings in the halls at the World Economic Forum (WEF) Davos summit.

Anticipating further inflationary pressure due to pandemics, geopolitical conflicts, and green transitions related to the ‘climate crisis,’ governments have prioritized spending more to ease the financial burden on consumers, notwithstanding the central banks argue and act the other way around.

Crying out “fiscal authorities must do more” in recent years, central banks seem to have received their wish, although in an unexpected form.

Furthermore, this difference, called “fiscal authority against monetary authority,” has not yet wholly appeared. According to IMF economist Gita Gopinath, the limits of tension between fiscal and monetary authorities have not been tested.

The European Union (EU) may be the only place where the rising tension is more visible. Member governments continue to unveil substantial aid packages to their citizens battling with energy and food inflation despite the European Central Bank’s aggressive interest rate increases to combat inflation.

Summary: Government aid packages

In the context of energy, the diverging monetary and fiscal policies are pretty evident.

To help with grid fees, a significant part of electricity bills, the Austrian government, for instance, is getting ready to offer a new aid package. In addition to the initial support package of 475 million euros until the middle of 2024, Vienna has revealed intentions to distribute an extra 200 million euros. Thus, the government will pay 80% of the network/infrastructure costs.

Due to rising wholesale power prices, France’s electricity and natural gas regulator CRE has suggested a 108 percent hike in residential electricity rates.

Despite the CRE’s recommendation, the French government only raised the rate by 15% with subsidies for electricity prices.

Households, small local governments, and micro-enterprises with annual revenues of less than 2 million euros are eligible for the government’s “tariff shield” system.

Greece, one of the EU’s weakest economies, even gave subsidies on energy bills to 840 million euros. Citing a fall in gas prices, Kostas Skrekas, the minister of energy, announced that subsidies would be reduced to 95 million euros.

Is the energy crisis over?

Governments seem to have concluded that the worst is over, thanks to the mild winter and energy costs plummeting.

For example, RTE, the French power grid operator, recently announced the risk of power cuts left behind. According to RTE, this is due to increased nuclear power output and the mild winter. RTE has reported that the utilization of nuclear energy capacity has reached 70%.

Once again, the mild winter seems to be reducing power use. This year’s consumption was 8.5% lower than the average for the same period of 2014-2019. Also decreasing by 13% was the use of natural gas.

Indeed, natural gas’s MW/s price on the Dutch stock market dropped from 200 euros to 70 euros in January. Moreover, 81 percent of the EU’s gas storage tanks are still full, and it is anticipated that this rate for Germany is close to 90%.

Still, Klaus Müller, the president of Germany’s federal grid agency Bundesnetzagentur, pointed out that if many heat pumps and charging stations continue to be installed, local power cuts will become a source of concern.

In order to avoid power outages, TransnetBW, the grid operator in southern Germany, has asked residents to decrease their energy use in the evenings.

South Holland has similar problems. The grid is reportedly overloaded due to balancing demand and integrating new energy sources.

For this reason, inconveniences occur in the ‘transition to green energy,’ an objective of these two countries. The load on the electricity grid is growing as demand for industrial heat pumps and charging stations increases. Considering a 27 percent growth in demand for electric cars in Germany alone, it is next to impossible to expect this problem to be solved quickly. In the short term, major transmission issues, particularly on local low-voltage lines, are anticipated to arise in Germany. From 2020 to 2021, investment in distribution networks had a 10% increase, much below the expected 40% rise.

Eurelectric predicts that in 2021, between 375 and 425 billion euros would need to be invested in energy infrastructure to render it endurable for the new electrification mechanisms. In addition, the inflationist change in electrical equipment over the last two years makes this prediction seem unduly optimistic.

The flutters of Brussels

The 0.2 percent shrinkage in Germany, the largest economy of the Old Continent, in the last quarter of 2022 is another indication that things are not going well. However, Olaf Scholz has pointed to declining energy prices and a mild winter as evidence that the recession is beginning to turn around.

One of the largest steel makers in Germany and the world, Thyssenkrupp, has urged the German government to match Washington’s “protectionism,” a sign that warning bells are ringing. Martina Merz, CEO of the conglomerate, emphasized the need to succeed in the green transition without deindustrializing the continent. Highlighting the sufferings of the steel, cement, and chemical industries from higher energy costs, Merz said that “tomorrow’s markets are being carved up now.”

Carved-up markets are ominous words that require no explanation. The European Commission’s “Green Deal Industrial Plan” seems like another dead-cat bounce by Brussels before the EU leaders’ summit to be held next week. The proposed draft urged Europe and its allies to combat “unfair subsidies” and “prolonged market distortions.” The United States and China seem to be the primary targets of this battle.

The loosening of the EU’s government incentives system appears vital for Europe in the ‘green energy transition.’ EU members have the same right as governments outside the EU to provide subsidies to businesses operating within the union.

The combined economic might of Germany and France, of course, exists here as well. Recalling that German and French industries get 77% of EU-wide state incentives (€356 billion and €162 billion, respectively), financially weak nations in the south, such as Italy, Spain, and Portugal, are once again bringing up joint EU borrowing for subsidies. The German and Dutch coalition, on the other hand, blame poor countries for seeking ‘grants’ rather than using the money in the pandemic recovery fund as a loan.

Moreover, the fragmentation is not only between EU countries but indeed between regions. Craig Douglas, the founder of World Fund, for instance, says the discrepancies between the specific buckets of capital in Europe are sharp, and there is more regional capital available in Aachen or Bavaria than in Paris if they want to build a manufacturing facility.

‘Europe is in panic mode’

Fear of the escape of investments created by the IRA has gripped all of Europe. “Europe is in panic mode,” Paul Tang, a Dutch member of the European Parliament, told the Financial Times (FT).

Panic is not a temporary problem. Concerns over the very fundamentals of the EU’s economic model are not comparable to this panic. Long before the IRA, the pandemic and the Ukraine crisis have already started to undermine the economic orthodoxy of the German-led EU.

Mark Rutte, the Dutch prime minister, is among those drawing attention to this, reminding that a more ‘interventionist’ approach could have a long-term impact far beyond the IRA.

However, the genie is out of the bottle. Ineligible for state subsidies, several EU-based manufacturers decide to relocate their operations to the other side of the Atlantic. These are by no means a few. Since the transition to “green capitalism” calls for significant investments, state interventions are crucial in managing and directing these investments and convincing society with the carrot and stick for this shift. A state that provides only fiscal discipline and austerity is no longer acceptable. Therefore, without German-French intervention, the goal of “strategic autonomy of Europe,” which has been brought up specifically by France, is unrealistic.

Moreover, the EU is still far away from the ‘clean technology’ investments and initiatives flowing to Asia and North America. In other words, the challenge comes not only from the United States but also from Asia, particularly China. In the next article, I put an end to the with a piece focusing on Asia and ‘developing countries,’ especially China.

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EU leaders convened in Brussels to tackle global and regional challenges

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Ahmetcan Uzlaşık, Brussels

The European Council gathered in Brussels on December 19, 2024, bringing together EU leaders to address a packed agenda of critical issues. The meeting focused on pressing topics, including the war in Ukraine, tensions in the Middle East, and the EU’s evolving role on the global stage.

Discussions also centered on enhancing resilience, improving crisis prevention and response mechanisms, managing migration, and other key matters shaping the Union’s priorities. As usual, the European Council set the path for EU’s global engagement and priorities in the current geopolitical context. Policy analyst Fatin Reşat Durukan shared his perspectives on the European Union’s trajectory for 2025 in an interview with Harici.

Anti-Michel Camp is set

The new European Council President, Antonio Costa ran his first European Council meeting.

Former European Council President Charles Michel had been heavily criticized for his way of organizing the European Council meetings. The new European Council President, Antonio Costa, the former Portuguese Prime Minister, so far casted a spell on the leaders with his way of work. Charles Michel was also known for his rivalry with Commission President Ursula von der Leyen during his tenure.

European Parliament President Roberta Metsola praised European Council President António Costa for his efforts to start meetings on time and streamline summit discussions, allowing leaders to focus on political priorities rather than lengthy text negotiations, a shift she called “quite rare.”

Former European Council President Charles Michel declined an invitation to join a group photo commemorating the Council’s 50th anniversary, according to POLITICO.

The Presidency of the European Council means a lot inside the Brussels Beat, as it sets the strategic direction and has a pivotal role in decision-making in macro matters. The summit was also concerned in that sense as experts indicated that the current political landscape in Europe needs leadership as Germany and France are in political and economic turmoil.

Ukraine Remains Central to EU Discussions

Ukraine remained a central focus of the discussions, as it has been in recent years. The European Council released a separate press release for the conclusions on Ukraine.

Ukrainian President, Volodomyr Zelenskyy had attended the first part of the European Council meeting, on an invitation from the new European Council President.

Speaking alongside European Council President Antonio Costa, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky stressed the importance of unity between Europe and the United States to achieve peace in Ukraine, noting that European support would be challenging without U.S. assistance and expressing readiness to engage with President-elect Donald Trump once he takes office. Costa, too, re-affirmed Europe’s commitment to supporting Ukraine, pledging to do “whatever it takes, for as long as necessary,” both during the war and in the peace that follows.

The Ukrainian President also stated that Ukraine needs 19 additional air defense systems to safeguard its energy infrastructure, including nuclear power plants, from Russian missile strikes.

Kaja Kallas, EU’s foreign policy face, emphasized that Russia is not invincible and urged Europe to recognize its own strength, warning that premature negotiations could result in a bad deal for Ukraine. She stressed the need for a strong stance, noting that the world is watching Europe’s response.

The EU leaders then continued their discussion on Ukraine without Zelensky.

“China would be only winner from a EU-US trade war” says Kallas

Upon her arrival, EU’s top diplomat Kaja Kallas warned that China would be the only beneficiary of a trade war between Europe and the United States, emphasizing that such conflicts have no true winners. Responding to U.S. President-elect Donald Trump’s tariff threats, she noted that American citizens would also bear the consequences, urging caution in trade relations.

“In 2025, we need to step up”

At the European Council meeting, European Parliament President Roberta Metsola urged EU leaders to “step up” in 2025 to solidify Europe’s position on the global stage.

Turning to the EU’s broader neighborhood, she warned of Russian interference in Moldova, Georgia, and the Western Balkans, advocating for accelerated enlargement efforts. Metsola celebrated the historic integration of Romania and Bulgaria into the Schengen Area and underscored the importance of European leadership in addressing crises in Belarus, the Middle East, and Syria. “Now is our moment to step up,” she declared, urging unity and decisive action for Europe.

Leadership void in the EU

Durukan highlighted the significant leadership challenges facing the EU in 2025, particularly stemming from political crises in Germany and France. “Political crises in France and Germany have created a leadership void, making it harder to tackle economic problems. In France, the government collapsed after a no-confidence vote, while in Germany, the coalition broke down, leading to early elections in February 2025. The economic outlook is not great either, with the OECD cutting growth forecasts for Germany and France.The return of Donald Trump as U.S. president adds more complications, with potential trade tensions and shifting global dynamics”, he explained. These disruptions have created a leadership void, complicating the EU’s ability to address broader economic and geopolitical issues.

He also pointed to financial instability, noting that the OECD has cut growth forecasts for Germany and France. “Draghi’s report suggests that the EU needs to invest €750-800 billion annually to stay competitive,” The challenges of implementing such a plan amidst political disagreements might be compelling for the Union.

Despite these obstacles, he acknowledged ongoing efforts to strengthen the EU’s strategic independence, including initiatives like the EU-Mercosur trade agreement and technological leadership. However, he cautioned that political divisions and the rise of far-right parties are eroding confidence in the EU’s unity and global standing. “The coming months will be crucial,” he noted, as the bloc navigates both internal and external pressures.

Ukraine aid sparks future division concerns

On the European Council’s reaffirmation of support for Ukraine, Durukan highlighted the €50 billion aid package for 2024–2027 and plans to allocate €18.1 billion in 2025 as evidence of the EU’s commitment. “The emphasis on ensuring Ukraine’s participation in decisions about its future is a clear message of solidarity,” Durukan said.

However, he pointed to obstacles posed by diverging interests among member states, particularly Hungary’s resistance, as potential stumbling blocks. “The prolonged conflict, economic pressures, and domestic political shifts could further deepen these divisions in the coming months,” Durukan told.

Climate action amidst constraints

The conclusions also stressed on the importance of increasing the number of natural disasters due to climate change and environmental degradation. France and Spain have faced significant challenges in recent months due to natural disasters. The EU has to balance the budgetary constraints and rising defence spendings with its climate goals in 2025.

“The EU is taking decisive steps to achieve its climate goals through legal frameworks such as the European Climate Law and the “Fit for 55” package. In addition, aiming to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 55% by 2030, the EU will implement CBAM starting in 2026, which will introduce a carbon price on imports. This system, therefore, will prevent carbon leakage and promote global climate action,” Durukan explained.

In light of the increasing defence spendings, Durukan, “the EU integrates energy efficiency and renewable energy use in military facilities, thus aligning security with sustainability. Furthermore, the European Scientific Advisory Board on Climate Change will monitor progress and provide independent scientific advice, enhancing transparency”, said Harici.

Looking ahead, he emphasized the importance of the new Commission setting 2040 climate targets and sector-specific roadmaps. “Achieving these goals will require a focus on sustainable competitiveness and just transition reforms to ensure inclusivity and economic viability,” Durukan concluded.

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Germany closes 2024 with armament records

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Germany concludes 2024 with unprecedented milestones in the armament and defense industry, solidifying its position as a key global player in military exports and domestic modernization. On Wednesday, the Bundestag Budget Committee approved 38 new armament projects, raising the total to 97—significantly surpassing the 55 projects approved last year.

Additionally, German arms exports reached a historic high, exceeding the 2023 record before the year’s end, now standing at €13.2 billion. For context, this figure was just €4 billion a decade ago.

Ukraine emerged as the largest recipient, accounting for 62% of Germany’s military equipment exports. Other major recipients include Turkey, Israel, India, and strategic Asian partners aiming to reduce reliance on Russian arms. These markets reflect Berlin’s strategy to support allies in the power dynamics against China and Russia.

Domestically, Germany has accelerated modernization across all branches of its armed forces. Highlights include substantial investments in the Bundeswehr’s digitalization, air defense systems, and naval capabilities. Among the notable projects: The procurement of 212CD class submarines jointly developed with Norway, with costs estimated at €4.7 billion. These submarines, optimized for deployment in the North Atlantic, are designed to counter Russia’s Northern Fleet. Construction of F127 air defense frigates at an estimated cost of €15 billion, equipped with Lockheed Martin Canada’s CMS 330 system, promoting “Europeanized” production free from U.S. export restrictions.

While Germany leads in advanced submarine classes, its frigate production reflects a blend of domestic and international systems, underscoring the collaborative nature of European defense manufacturing.

The approved projects span multiple military branches, including rocket artillery, thermal imaging equipment, and IT systems for the “Digitalization of Land Operations” project, Patriot missiles, Iris-T air defense systems, and space surveillance radar for the Air Force, and new data centers and armored vehicles for cyber forces. The 38 new projects alone account for €21 billion, with additional costs anticipated for future phases.

The German arms industry achieved record-breaking exports in 2024, with licenses totaling €13.2 billion by December 17. This marks a 200% increase compared to 2014. Arms deliveries to Ukraine played a pivotal role, with licenses worth €8.1 billion granted in 2024 alone.

Germany’s export strategy reflects its geopolitical alignment. Turkey, despite previously strained relations, ranked fifth in exports with €230.8 million. In Asia, Singapore and South Korea emerged as significant buyers, with licenses valued at €1.218 billion and €256.4 million, respectively. Germany has also deepened ties with India, authorizing licenses worth €437.6 million over the past two years to reduce New Delhi’s reliance on Russian defense supplies.

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AfD election manifesto advocates for ‘Dexit’

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The Alternative for Germany (Alternative für Deutschland, AfD) has reaffirmed its commitment to withdrawing Germany from the European Union (EU) and the eurozone should it come to power. This proposal, often referred to as ‘Dexit,’ forms a key component of the party’s draft election manifesto, which was distributed to its members ahead of a party conference in early January. The manifesto reiterates a stance initially introduced during the European election campaign in the summer.

The AfD envisions replacing the EU with a “Europe of the homelands,” described as a coalition of sovereign states engaged in a common market and an “economic and interest community.” The party also advocates for Germany to abandon the euro, the shared currency implemented in 2002, proposing instead a so-called “transfer union.”

While the manifesto acknowledges that a sudden departure would be detrimental, it suggests renegotiating Germany’s relationships with both EU member states and other European nations. To further this agenda, the AfD calls for a nationwide referendum on the issue.

Despite the AfD’s ambitions, legal experts point out that leaving the EU would be constitutionally challenging for Germany. Germany’s EU membership is enshrined in its constitution, and any exit would require a two-thirds majority in parliament—a hurdle that makes a unilateral withdrawal virtually impossible.

Even AfD leaders appear divided on the immediacy of a ‘Dexit.’ Co-chairman Tino Chrupalla admitted in February 2024 that it may already be “too late” for Germany to leave the EU, while Alice Weidel, the party’s other co-leader and candidate for chancellor, described Dexit as merely a “Plan B” in a recent Financial Times interview.

The AfD’s proposal has drawn sharp criticism from leading German economic institutions and industry groups. A May study by the German Economic Institute (Institut der deutschen Wirtschaft, IW) warned that leaving the EU could cost Germany €690 billion over five years, reduce GDP by 5.6%, and lead to 2.5 million fewer jobs—economic impacts comparable to the combined effects of the COVID-19 pandemic and the energy crisis.

The German Association of Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises (Bundesverband mittelständische Wirtschaft, BVMW) was even more scathing, describing the AfD’s plans as an “economic kamikaze mission.”

AfD spokesperson Ronald Gläser dismissed these concerns, arguing that Germany could secure similar benefits through alternative agreements outside the EU framework. Citing Brexit, he suggested that fears of economic disaster were exaggerated: “All the fear scenarios about Brexit went more or less smoothly.”

Gläser contended that Germany’s economic prowess would sustain demand for its products across Europe even outside the EU, pointing to Switzerland’s non-EU membership as a comparable example.

Public sentiment, however, does not align with the AfD’s position. A recent poll by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAS), affiliated with the conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU), found that 87% of Germans would vote to remain in the EU if a referendum were held. Despite this, Gläser argued that policy decisions should prioritize what is “necessary and important” over public opinion.

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