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Quo Vadis World Economy-III: The EU’s test with the interventionist state

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Both sides of the Atlantic reacted differently to the 2008–9 financial crisis. While the US and UK were pouring vast amounts of money into the market through enormously large rescue packages to bail out big banks. Evidently, this is a policy separate from the neoliberal doctrine of ‘fiscal discipline.’ On the other hand, Germany-led EU went for the neoliberal way. It did not only pursue the austerity measures that sparked social tensions throughout the continent and led to the rise of left and right populisms but also forced anti-austerity countries to implement them.

Now, while the ‘post-neoliberalism’ is being discussed, the United States is pursuing “protectionist” economic policies and seeking to involve its European and Asian allies in its struggle against China (and Russia). As a result of being severed with inexpensive Russian energy, the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) and the CHIP Act are fueling the EU’s concerns about deindustrialization. On the one hand, indebted and having dependent competitiveness on state interventions, Southern and Eastern Europe and the richer Northern countries, not in favor of rescuing the poorer with joint EU loans, on the other, Brussels is awaiting much more challenging days.

Letter of objection to the European Commission

The European Commission has received a letter signed by Austria, Czechia, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, Ireland, and Slovakia.

Not signatories to the letter, Germany, Belgium, and the Netherlands also oppose the overall concept. The letter raises concerns about a proposed joint fund to support and shield the green industry from US subsidies. Instead of looking for new money, the letter demands, existing loan capacity should be utilized.

Only around 100 billion euros of the total of 390 billion euros of the post-pandemic recovery fund have been used, the seven countries recalled.

Central banks against governments

The tension between governments and central banks, which increase interest rates and employ monetary tightening to focus on ‘fighting inflation,’ is a prime illustration of the contention.

However, the epidemic years were a glorious time: The IMF, the World Bank, and national central banks all issued statements urging governments to “spend as much as you can.” It is believed that at that period, the United States pumped more than $2 trillion into the market via bond purchases and monetary expansion. During the same period, the EU helped the member countries stay afloat through joint borrowing and joint funds.

Now the disparity is widening, and it seems to be one of the most discussed topics among policymakers in the informal gatherings in the halls at the World Economic Forum (WEF) Davos summit.

Anticipating further inflationary pressure due to pandemics, geopolitical conflicts, and green transitions related to the ‘climate crisis,’ governments have prioritized spending more to ease the financial burden on consumers, notwithstanding the central banks argue and act the other way around.

Crying out “fiscal authorities must do more” in recent years, central banks seem to have received their wish, although in an unexpected form.

Furthermore, this difference, called “fiscal authority against monetary authority,” has not yet wholly appeared. According to IMF economist Gita Gopinath, the limits of tension between fiscal and monetary authorities have not been tested.

The European Union (EU) may be the only place where the rising tension is more visible. Member governments continue to unveil substantial aid packages to their citizens battling with energy and food inflation despite the European Central Bank’s aggressive interest rate increases to combat inflation.

Summary: Government aid packages

In the context of energy, the diverging monetary and fiscal policies are pretty evident.

To help with grid fees, a significant part of electricity bills, the Austrian government, for instance, is getting ready to offer a new aid package. In addition to the initial support package of 475 million euros until the middle of 2024, Vienna has revealed intentions to distribute an extra 200 million euros. Thus, the government will pay 80% of the network/infrastructure costs.

Due to rising wholesale power prices, France’s electricity and natural gas regulator CRE has suggested a 108 percent hike in residential electricity rates.

Despite the CRE’s recommendation, the French government only raised the rate by 15% with subsidies for electricity prices.

Households, small local governments, and micro-enterprises with annual revenues of less than 2 million euros are eligible for the government’s “tariff shield” system.

Greece, one of the EU’s weakest economies, even gave subsidies on energy bills to 840 million euros. Citing a fall in gas prices, Kostas Skrekas, the minister of energy, announced that subsidies would be reduced to 95 million euros.

Is the energy crisis over?

Governments seem to have concluded that the worst is over, thanks to the mild winter and energy costs plummeting.

For example, RTE, the French power grid operator, recently announced the risk of power cuts left behind. According to RTE, this is due to increased nuclear power output and the mild winter. RTE has reported that the utilization of nuclear energy capacity has reached 70%.

Once again, the mild winter seems to be reducing power use. This year’s consumption was 8.5% lower than the average for the same period of 2014-2019. Also decreasing by 13% was the use of natural gas.

Indeed, natural gas’s MW/s price on the Dutch stock market dropped from 200 euros to 70 euros in January. Moreover, 81 percent of the EU’s gas storage tanks are still full, and it is anticipated that this rate for Germany is close to 90%.

Still, Klaus Müller, the president of Germany’s federal grid agency Bundesnetzagentur, pointed out that if many heat pumps and charging stations continue to be installed, local power cuts will become a source of concern.

In order to avoid power outages, TransnetBW, the grid operator in southern Germany, has asked residents to decrease their energy use in the evenings.

South Holland has similar problems. The grid is reportedly overloaded due to balancing demand and integrating new energy sources.

For this reason, inconveniences occur in the ‘transition to green energy,’ an objective of these two countries. The load on the electricity grid is growing as demand for industrial heat pumps and charging stations increases. Considering a 27 percent growth in demand for electric cars in Germany alone, it is next to impossible to expect this problem to be solved quickly. In the short term, major transmission issues, particularly on local low-voltage lines, are anticipated to arise in Germany. From 2020 to 2021, investment in distribution networks had a 10% increase, much below the expected 40% rise.

Eurelectric predicts that in 2021, between 375 and 425 billion euros would need to be invested in energy infrastructure to render it endurable for the new electrification mechanisms. In addition, the inflationist change in electrical equipment over the last two years makes this prediction seem unduly optimistic.

The flutters of Brussels

The 0.2 percent shrinkage in Germany, the largest economy of the Old Continent, in the last quarter of 2022 is another indication that things are not going well. However, Olaf Scholz has pointed to declining energy prices and a mild winter as evidence that the recession is beginning to turn around.

One of the largest steel makers in Germany and the world, Thyssenkrupp, has urged the German government to match Washington’s “protectionism,” a sign that warning bells are ringing. Martina Merz, CEO of the conglomerate, emphasized the need to succeed in the green transition without deindustrializing the continent. Highlighting the sufferings of the steel, cement, and chemical industries from higher energy costs, Merz said that “tomorrow’s markets are being carved up now.”

Carved-up markets are ominous words that require no explanation. The European Commission’s “Green Deal Industrial Plan” seems like another dead-cat bounce by Brussels before the EU leaders’ summit to be held next week. The proposed draft urged Europe and its allies to combat “unfair subsidies” and “prolonged market distortions.” The United States and China seem to be the primary targets of this battle.

The loosening of the EU’s government incentives system appears vital for Europe in the ‘green energy transition.’ EU members have the same right as governments outside the EU to provide subsidies to businesses operating within the union.

The combined economic might of Germany and France, of course, exists here as well. Recalling that German and French industries get 77% of EU-wide state incentives (€356 billion and €162 billion, respectively), financially weak nations in the south, such as Italy, Spain, and Portugal, are once again bringing up joint EU borrowing for subsidies. The German and Dutch coalition, on the other hand, blame poor countries for seeking ‘grants’ rather than using the money in the pandemic recovery fund as a loan.

Moreover, the fragmentation is not only between EU countries but indeed between regions. Craig Douglas, the founder of World Fund, for instance, says the discrepancies between the specific buckets of capital in Europe are sharp, and there is more regional capital available in Aachen or Bavaria than in Paris if they want to build a manufacturing facility.

‘Europe is in panic mode’

Fear of the escape of investments created by the IRA has gripped all of Europe. “Europe is in panic mode,” Paul Tang, a Dutch member of the European Parliament, told the Financial Times (FT).

Panic is not a temporary problem. Concerns over the very fundamentals of the EU’s economic model are not comparable to this panic. Long before the IRA, the pandemic and the Ukraine crisis have already started to undermine the economic orthodoxy of the German-led EU.

Mark Rutte, the Dutch prime minister, is among those drawing attention to this, reminding that a more ‘interventionist’ approach could have a long-term impact far beyond the IRA.

However, the genie is out of the bottle. Ineligible for state subsidies, several EU-based manufacturers decide to relocate their operations to the other side of the Atlantic. These are by no means a few. Since the transition to “green capitalism” calls for significant investments, state interventions are crucial in managing and directing these investments and convincing society with the carrot and stick for this shift. A state that provides only fiscal discipline and austerity is no longer acceptable. Therefore, without German-French intervention, the goal of “strategic autonomy of Europe,” which has been brought up specifically by France, is unrealistic.

Moreover, the EU is still far away from the ‘clean technology’ investments and initiatives flowing to Asia and North America. In other words, the challenge comes not only from the United States but also from Asia, particularly China. In the next article, I put an end to the with a piece focusing on Asia and ‘developing countries,’ especially China.

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Operationsplan Deutschland: The debate over ‘planned economy’ in Germany

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As Ukraine fires U.S.-made long-range missiles at Russia for the first time and Russian leader Vladimir Putin updates his country’s nuclear doctrine, European countries are preparing for an all-out war on the continent.

According to a 1,000-page document drawn up by the German armed forces called ‘Operationsplan Deutschland’, Germany will host hundreds of thousands of troops from NATO countries and act as a logistics hub to send huge amounts of military equipment, food and medicine to the front line.

The German military is also instructing businesses and civilians on how to protect key infrastructure and mobilize for national defense in the event of Russia expanding drone flights, espionage and sabotage across Europe.

Businesses have been advised to draw up contingency plans detailing the responsibilities of employees in the event of an emergency, and told to stockpile diesel generators or install wind turbines to ensure energy independence.

More state intervention in the economy under discussion

In this context, state intervention in the economy and in companies is being discussed more intensively.

The German state has far-reaching rights in crisis situations. The energy crisis showed how quickly the state can intervene: At the time, the German government filled gas storage facilities by law, nationalized the gas importer Uniper and supplied floating LNG terminals.

According to Bertram Brossardt, CEO of the Bavarian Business Association, even a “transition to a planned economy” could be possible in an emergency.

This ‘planned economy’ could involve the state issuing food vouchers or even forcing people to work in certain sectors, such as water or transport companies.

Companies could also benefit if they have employees who volunteer for disaster relief, the Federal Agency for Technical Relief (THW) or the fire brigade.

Lieutenant Colonel Jörn Plischke, who conducted the company training in Hamburg, said: “It costs you a few days a year to support this. But in a crisis, you have a direct link to the people who protect people and infrastructure,” he said.

Hamburg: The intersection of civil and military economy

Hamburg, where Lieutenant Colonel Plischke attended the event, is a central hub for the transport of goods and troops.

“If our infrastructure is used for military purposes, the risk of cyber-attacks and sabotage increases significantly,” the mayor of the Hanseatic city, Peter Tschentscher, told the Faz newspaper.

The Hamburg Senate has therefore created additional staff to strengthen civil defense. A third ‘home defense corps’ has been introduced, made up of volunteers who do not fight in the troops but work to ensure protection and security.

Exercises are currently being held in the Hanseatic city with the German armed forces and civilian forces.

According to the report, this exercise, called ‘Red Storm Alpha’, is training in the protection of port facilities.

The next exercise, ‘Red Storm Bravo’, will start soon and will be on a larger scale.

The lessons learnt from these exercises will then be incorporated into the ‘Operationsplan Deutschland’. This plan is intended to be a ‘living document’, constantly evolving and adapting to new information and threats.

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The era of the ‘right-wing majority’ in the European Parliament

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Under Ursula von der Leyen’s second presidency, the European Commission will abandon its previous ‘cordon sanitaire’ policy towards the ‘far right’.

Leyen’s new Commission will include two members from the ‘far right’. Raffaele Fitto of Fratelli d’Italia (Brothers of Italy – FdI), the party of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, and Olivér Várhelyi, who is close to Fidesz, the party of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.

Fratelli d’Italia is part of the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group in the EP, while Fidesz is part of the Patriots for Europe (PfE) group, which also includes the French National Rally (RN) and the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ).

The conservative European People’s Party (EPP), led by German CSU politician Manfred Weber, has repeatedly cooperated with the ECR in the past legislature and explicitly reserves the right to do so in the future.

The cordon sanitaire against the right is practically non-existent

More recently, it has voted with the PfE and sometimes even with the Europe of Sovereign Nations (ESN), of which the German AfD is a member. The traditional border against the ‘extreme right’ (the so-called ‘security cordon’) is thus continuing to crumble.

The security cordon was systematically relaxed by the EPP in the last legislative period. As early as January 2022, the EPP made it possible for an MEP from the right-wing ECR to be elected as one of the vice-presidents of the EP.

A study by the Greens shows that the European Commission under Ursula von der Leyen has relied on MEPs from the ECR and even the more right-wing ID (Identity and Democracy) group in around 340 votes to secure a majority.

According to the study, these demands often included a reduction in the CO2 price for the car industry or the approval of subsidies for fossil fuels.

With the votes of the EPP, ECR and ID, the EPP also managed to block a motion in April 2024 proposing measures to prevent parliamentary staff from being harassed by MEPs.

So, one small step after another, the security cordon was broken.

Breaking point: European right united against Maduro

In September, one of the first votes of the newly elected EP attracted more attention. The resolution under discussion would have recognised Edmundo González, the defeated candidate in the presidential elections in Venezuela on 28 July 2024, as the real winner of the elections.

The resolution in favour of González was tabled jointly by the EPP and the ECR, in which the party of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni is the largest group.

The resolution was finally adopted with the votes of Orbán’s Fidez, Le Pen’s National Rally (RN) and PfE, which includes the FPÖ, and the ESN, which includes the AfD.

The ‘Venezuelan majority’ at work in the EP: EPP support for the AfD

The so-called ‘Venezuelan majority’ – the large voting majority of conservative and right-wing parties in the EP – has since come into play on several occasions.

This was the case in October, for example, when the European Parliament decided on the procedure for presenting and voting on future EU commissioners. Also in October, the EPP voted in favour of an AfD budget motion proposing the erection of extensive barriers at the EU’s external borders.

The EPP, ECR and PfE also voted to award this year’s European Parliament Sakharov Prize to González and right-wing Venezuelan opposition politician María Corina Machado.

Finally, last week the EPP joined with other MEPs on the right to amend a bill aimed at halting global deforestation.

Sparking outrage on the left, several rebel MEPs from the ECR, PfE, ESN and the liberal Renew group backed the EPP on key amendments.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen was elected in July on the basis of an alliance between the EPP, Liberals, Socialists and Greens.

In its second term, the European Commission is abandoning its previous ‘cordon sanitaire’ policy against the ‘far right’.

Leyen’s new Commission will include two members from the ‘far right’. Raffaele Fitto of Fratelli d’Italia (Brothers of Italy – FdI), the party of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, and Olivér Várhelyi, who is close to Fidesz, the party of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán.

Fratelli d’Italia is part of the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) group in the EP, while Fidesz is part of the Patriots for Europe (PfE) group, which also includes the French National Rally (RN) and the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ).

The conservative European People’s Party (EPP), led by German CSU politician Manfred Weber, has repeatedly cooperated with the ECR in the past legislature and explicitly reserves the right to do so in the future.

New Commissioners from the right

Raffaele Fitto, a member of Giorgia Meloni’s FdI party, is known as one of Meloni’s closest friends and will be appointed by Leyen as one of the vice-presidents of the EU Commission ‘responsible for cohesion and reforms’.

Hungary, on the other hand, has appointed former Enlargement Commissioner Olivér Várhelyi as a commissioner in Brussels, with future responsibility for health. Várhelyi is very close to Prime Minister Orbán’s Fidesz party.

There is strong protest against Fitto and Várhelyi in the Socialist and Green parliamentary groups, which support the Leyen Commission. It is rumoured that both groups will not support the appointment of the two politicians.

The invisible architect of the right-wing alliance: Manfred Weber of the CSU

The row over future commissioners has come to a head in recent days.

EPP President Manfred Weber (CSU), who is seen as the main architect of his group’s alliance with the ECR and the EPP, could theoretically get two right-wing commissioners approved with a “Venezuelan majority”.

However, if CDU or CSU politicians in the EP vote with the AfD on a key decision, this could be seen as an unwelcome signal shortly before the early German elections.

But as former Italian prime ministers Romano Prodi and Mario Monti said on Tuesday, pressure is growing for the EU to act ‘as one’ at a time when it faces ‘major challenges both in the East and in the West’.

We have a responsibility to make sure that something changes after this election… The majority will very often include the ECR,” German EPP MEP Peter Liese of the CSU also told reporters on Monday.

Liese said he had no “firewall” against the ECR and claimed that Fitto’s senior position had been negotiated as part of an agreement between the main political families in the European Council at the beginning of the summer.

Continued support for Ukraine in return for right-wing MEPs

On Wednesday (20 November), however, the leaders of the European Parliament’s political groups, meeting in Brussels, reached an agreement.

According to this, Fitto and Várhelyi will be allowed to take up the positions in the European Commission that Leyen has envisaged for them, and the Socialists will agree to this.

In return, the EPP promises to cooperate only with ‘pro-Ukrainian’ parties that support the EU and the rule of law.

This means that the old ‘cordon sanitaire’, i.e. the border against the ‘extreme right’, has been replaced primarily by foreign policy conditions.

According to the EPP’s interpretation, there are no longer any obstacles to cooperation with the ECR.

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Turmoil in the SPD: Pistorius vs. Scholz

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Pressure is mounting on German Chancellor Olaf Scholz to relinquish leadership of his party, the Social Democrats (SPD), ahead of the upcoming snap elections. This move is seen as a potential lifeline for the party, currently polling in third place, to regain electoral momentum.

The SPD leadership has thus far supported Scholz’s bid for a second term in the federal elections, now rescheduled for 23 February 2025 following the collapse of the three-party coalition on 6 November. However, internal dissent is growing.

In two heated party meetings last week, SPD MPs deliberated over whether Defence Minister Boris Pistorius should replace Scholz as the party’s candidate. According to Der Spiegel and POLITICO, one meeting included the conservative wing of the SPD, while the other involved its left wing. Both groups reportedly had significant support for replacing Scholz with Pistorius.

Calls for Scholz to step aside reached a crescendo on Monday, with prominent SPD politicians from North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany’s most populous state, leading the charge.

Pistorius’ voices rise within the party

Dirk Wiese and Wiebke Esdar stated: “The focus is on finding the best political line-up for this election. We hear a lot of praise for Boris Pistorius. It is clear that the final decision on the chancellor candidacy will rest with the party committees, as it should.”

Markus Töns, a long-time SPD member, echoed this sentiment in Stern: “The chancellor has done a good job in difficult circumstances, but the coalition’s end signals a need for a fresh start. Boris Pistorius would make this easier than Olaf Scholz.”

Former SPD leader Sigmar Gabriel was even more critical. Writing on X (formerly Twitter), Gabriel warned of “growing resistance” within the SPD to Scholz’s leadership. “The SPD leadership’s only response is appeasement and loyalty pledges. What we need is bold political leadership. Without it, the SPD risks falling below 15 percent,” he cautioned.

Scholz confident of ‘support from the leadership’

The SPD leadership had planned to finalize the chancellor candidacy decision at its party conference on 30 November. However, the timeline may accelerate to quell the escalating debate.

Speaking from the G20 Summit in Brazil, Scholz dismissed questions about his candidacy, expressing confidence in party support. “The SPD and I aim to win this election together,” he told Die Welt. Secretary-General Lars Klingbeil reinforced this stance, stating on ARD television: “We are committed to continuing with Olaf Scholz—there’s no wavering.”

Chancellor returns without stopping in Mexico

Despite these reassurances, Scholz abruptly canceled his planned trip to Mexico, returning to Berlin after the G20 Summit amid rumors of party infighting. While the SPD leadership held a conference call on Tuesday to discuss the campaign strategy, no decisions were reached.

Recent opinion polls paint a bleak picture for both Scholz and the SPD. The party is polling at 16 percent, far behind the CDU and the far-right AfD, marking a steep decline of 10 points since the 2021 elections.

Yet, Boris Pistorius remains Germany’s most popular politician, consistently outpacing CDU leader Friedrich Merz in approval ratings. This has fueled hopes within the SPD that Pistorius could revitalize their electoral prospects.

Pistorius’ rising profile is not without controversy. Known for his hawkish stance on military issues, he advocates for making the German military “fit for war” and has pushed for increased defense spending to meet NATO’s 2 percent of GDP target. Critics argue that these positions clash with the SPD’s traditional skepticism toward military intervention and ties with Moscow.

Nonetheless, many within the SPD believe Pistorius offers the best chance to avoid a crushing defeat in February’s elections. Pistorius has championed investments to rebuild the Bundeswehr after decades of neglect and launched initiatives to recruit for Germany’s depleted armed forces. His restructuring of the army earlier this year emphasized regional defense over external missions.

Internationally, Pistorius’ assertive approach has earned respect from Western allies, positioning him as a strong contender for the chancellorship despite his public denials. “We already have a candidate, and he is the sitting chancellor,” Pistorius recently told German state television.

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