A strategic plan released by the US Department of State confirms the Trump administration’s intent to focus on the “Western Hemisphere” while signaling that its “national security” strategy will be anchored in “American exceptionalism.”

Detailing foreign policy strategy for the 2026–2030 period, the document emphasizes an “America First” approach to global diplomacy and national security.

The plan prioritizes national sovereignty through strict border enforcement and diminished deference to international organizations. Key regional objectives include establishing dominance in the “Western Hemisphere” via the “Donroe Doctrine” and deterring aggression in the Indo-Pacific.

Economic targets focus on the re-industrialization of the US, securing supply chains, and maintaining technological superiority over rivals such as China. Furthermore, the strategy aims to transform foreign assistance into a targeted tool of statecraft that prioritizes trade over traditional aid.

Ultimately, this framework seeks to restore American exceptionalism by aligning all diplomatic and commercial relations with the nation’s core national interests.

The “America First” policy outlined in the plan redefines US national sovereignty by rejecting global integration and advocating for strict border control and independence, transforming global engagement into a structure that is pragmatic, transactional, and responsive to concrete national interests.

This approach characterizes the prior consensus on multilateralism and globalization not merely as self-defeating, but as a path toward “civilizational and geopolitical suicide.” A similar perspective regarding Europe and migration was previously articulated in the US National Security Strategy (NSS).

National sovereignty receives particular emphasis in foreign affairs planning. The policy establishes that the US government’s primary duty is to ensure the nation’s survival as an “autonomous republic.” This definition of sovereignty is presented through three fundamental pillars:

Absolute Border Control: The plan argues that the era of mass migration has ended, viewing “uncontrolled migration” as an affront to sovereignty and a tool used by previous administrations to harm the nation. Sovereignty is redefined to include the active “reverse migration” of those with no right to remain, alongside rigorous vetting to ensure visitors do not hold attitudes hostile to American principles.

Rejection of global governance: The US declares it will no longer submit to “unelected international bureaucrats” or international organizations that act contrary to American interests. This includes the UN’s 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which is viewed as a “soft global governance” program incompatible with US sovereignty.

Protection from foreign interference: According to the plan, sovereignty also requires protecting the natural rights of Americans from foreign censorship and influence operations, including efforts by international organizations attempting to restrict freedom of speech under the guise of combating “hate speech” or “disinformation.”

The US Department of State declares that henceforth, global engagement will shift away from the “arrogant paternalism” of attempting to reshape the world in the image of Western democracies, moving instead toward “pragmatic diplomacy” and “realism.” This new stance prioritizes “peace through strength” and a clear prioritization of resources.

In the “Western Hemisphere,” this policy constitutes the “Donroe Doctrine,” which advocates for the “absolute supremacy” of the US. Moving beyond the traditional Monroe Doctrine, this doctrine treats not only foreign military presence but also unchecked economic interference by powers outside the hemisphere, migration, and drug trafficking as hostile acts.

The US aims to empower “self-reliant allies” who contribute their “fair share” to collective security. For instance, the “Civilizational Alliance” with Europe demands that NATO allies spend 5% of their GDP on defense and assume primary responsibility for conventional European defense.

Foreign policy is acknowledged as being increasingly driven by commercial interests, with the aim of “re-industrializing” the US and ending reliance on foreign supply chains. The document explicitly links economic security with national sovereignty, declaring the use of tariffs to correct trade deficits and the employment of commercial diplomacy to prevent rivals like China from dominating critical industries.

The strategic plan outlines seven sectors as the focal point of US re-industrialization efforts:

Energy and Resources: Energy production and critical minerals.

Advanced Manufacturing and Hardware: Advanced manufacturing, robotics, machine tools, and shipbuilding.

High Tech and Computing: Semiconductors, computing, artificial intelligence (AI), data storage, and quantum science.

Healthcare: Pharmaceuticals and medical devices.

Aerospace and Defense: Space and aviation, unmanned and autonomous systems, and material sciences.

Infrastructure: Critical and advanced infrastructure, telecommunications, and transportation logistics.

Future Science: Biotechnology.

In addition to this broad list, the document indicates that specific attention is paid to certain sub-sectors to ensure economic and technological dominance. For example, regarding energy dominance, special emphasis is placed on natural gas, nuclear technology, and nuclear fuel exports. This is viewed as a means to end Europe’s dependence on Russia and stimulate domestic economic growth.

The plan effectively eliminates USAID by transferring its functions to the Department of State to ensure aid serves as an “instrument of statecraft” rather than “philanthropy.” The new focus will be “trade, not aid,” prioritizing private sector collaboration and investment that advance specific US diplomatic and security objectives.

Starting in 2026, the Department of State aims to spend at least 40% of its total aid budget in the Western Hemisphere and East Asia regions. This target represents a significant reorganization of resources in line with strategic priorities, as the plan notes that in 2024, USAID spent only 10% to 15% of its aid budget in the Western Hemisphere and Asia-Pacific regions.

The document deems the previous policy “unacceptable” and argues that aid must be refocused on these priority areas to advance US economic, security, and diplomatic goals.

The strategic plan defines the US response to China’s rise as the “defining story of the 21st century.” Citing its economic weight and strategic sea lanes, the document characterizes the Indo-Pacific region as critical to US interests, outlining a strategy based on “peace through strength” to deter aggression and restore American economic independence.

The primary economic objective in the Indo-Pacific is to support US re-industrialization and break dependency on Chinese supply chains. The strategy explicitly rejects “dependencies created by China” and outlines various measures to counter Beijing’s economic influence. For example, it declares aggressive opposition to China’s “intellectual property theft” and “predatory state-directed economic strategies.”

The Middle East is mentioned briefly in the plan. US strategy in the Middle East focuses on strengthening self-reliant allies, deepening economic and technological integration, and countering hostile attacks.

The strategy document highlights the Abraham Accords as the primary model for regional engagement. It emphasizes creating “self-reliant allies” capable of addressing regional challenges independently by establishing economic and technological partnerships with the US.

Israel is defined as a key strategic and technological partner. The Department of State plans to lead efforts to export the “American artificial intelligence technology stack” specifically to “trusted partners like Israel.” This is seen as a way to secure a competitive advantage and deny adversaries access to cutting-edge technologies.

The strategy explicitly states that the US will not permit international organizations to be used as weapons to target “citizens of partner nations like Israel.”

The document notes that the US uses its power to facilitate peace in unresolved conflicts, citing the example of Israel and Gaza.

The strategy identifies Iran as a geopolitical rival alongside China and Russia. The US pledges to “rigorously protect” its political, security, and economic interests against Iranian violations by maintaining a posture of “peace through strength” to deter Iran’s “aggression.”

The plan also proposes “burden sharing” with Europe in the Middle East, setting an expectation for European allies to assume greater responsibility for global security. Specifically, it calls on European states to make a “net contribution to the security of Africa and the Middle East” while rebuilding their own conventional defense capacities.