Opinion
China and the World from the Perspective of the “September 3rd” Grand Military Parade
On September 3, China held a grand, cutting-edge, and extraordinary military parade in Tiananmen Square to solemnly commemorate the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the World Anti-Fascist War. The event highlighted the great truth that “justice will prevail, peace will prevail, the people will prevail” and declared China’s determination to safeguard world peace and development. This parade attracted global attention and praise, while also provoking sporadic bizarre remarks and even disgraceful retrogressive actions. It can be said that this commemoration and parade of a just war victory demonstrated a strong and powerful China unlike the past, and also reflected the strange and colorful realities of the world.
In 1984, China held a parade in Tiananmen Square to celebrate the 35th anniversary of its founding, ushering in the beginning of Chinese military parades becoming “phenomenal events” of world-class standard. It was the first large-scale parade after the reform and opening up, and for the first time China openly displayed new weapons such as strategic missiles, marking a leap in the modernization of military technology. The troops wore new uniforms, weapons were upgraded, and the achievements of regularized military construction were evident. The call-and-response between the inspecting officer and the soldiers – “Greetings, comrades!” and “Serve the people!” – the forceful and precise triple – stage bayonet drill by the infantry contingent, the heroic spirit of the medical corps and the women’s militia formations, and the iron flow of the armored units were forever etched into the memory of our generation.
For me personally, the 1984 parade was unforgettable also because I personally took part. At the time, as a sophomore, I had the honor to join the student formation of the parade, marching with hundreds of peers from universities in the capital across the Jinshui Bridge. Unlike the soldiers marching in strict unison, we waved our arms enthusiastically, interacting warmly with Chinese and foreign leaders watching from the Tiananmen rostrum. At the front of our formation, some spontaneously held up a banner reading “Hello, Xiaoping,” simply and sincerely expressing the people’s heartfelt gratitude and support for the reform and opening-up, and their love and respect for Deng Xiaoping, the chief architect of the reforms.
The 1984 parade coincided with the resounding national slogan “Learn from the women’s volleyball team, rejuvenate China.” At that early stage of transformation, the entire Party, military, and nation were united, focused on economic construction, education, scientific development, and promoting diplomacy in service of reform and opening-up. It sent a clear signal to the world of further modernization and regularization of China’s military and its commitment to peace. A month later, the Chinese government decided to cut the military size by one quarter—1 million personnel—and officially announced this half a year later to build trust with the world. This was epoch-making for military changes in China and worldwide.
This year’s parade was not a National Day celebration centered on displaying national power. It opened with 3,000 university students singing tragic anti-Japanese songs such as “On the Songhua River” and “On the Taihang Mountains,” revealing that the event was a nationwide commemoration marking 80 years since the end of national catastrophe. It was a solemn tribute to 80 years of China’s phoenix-like rebirth. It also announced to the world that China’s anti-fascist war did not begin in 1939 with World War II in Europe, but in 1931, when Japan invaded and occupied Northeast China. The Chinese people fought 14 years of bloody resistance, sacrificing 35 million lives—one tenth of China’s population at the time. This great national sacrifice made an indelible contribution to saving human civilization and safeguarding world peace.
At this parade, 61 foreign heads of state, government leaders, senior representatives, heads of international organizations, and former dignitaries gathered in Beijing to jointly commemorate and honor the World Anti-Fascist War, reinforcing historical friendships forged in blood. The event received significant attention and objective coverage from world media. For example, BBC reporters praised the spirit, professionalism, and world-class equipment of Chinese soldiers during the live broadcast. AFP, instead of using its usual “dark tones” and “imperial filters” when reporting on China’s major events, presented the parade with normal or even bright lighting, showcasing the soldiers’ style.
However, due to the influence of many factors such as changes in international relations, values-based diplomacy, and traditions of military parades, no leaders from major Western countries attended this Chinese grand parade. This is not surprising, because neither the United States nor Europe has ever invited leaders from Eastern front countries, who made outstanding contributions to the anti-fascist war, to their own World War II victory commemorations. Frankly speaking, this tradition itself is a natural extension of the American or European-centric mentality, a great disrespect to Eastern allies in the war of resistance, and even a kind of desecration to the tens of millions of soldiers and civilians who died resisting fascism.
Even more absurd is that in the post-Cold War years, when relations with Russia were good, European countries repeatedly invited Russian leaders to commemorative events such as the Normandy landings. Today, because of the Russia-Ukraine war leading to a rift between Russia and Europe, Western leaders naturally do not want to share the same stage with the Kremlin’s top figure. For reasons of political and social system differences and real contradictions, they also refused to gather in Beijing with leaders from Iran and North Korea. This is understandable. But to criticize China for inviting these leaders to the parade is not only extremely unreasonable and impolite, but also clearly reflects double standards, and even represents a betrayal of historical justice.
EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Kallas declared that China, by holding the parade together with Russia, Iran, and North Korea, is not only opposing the West but also directly challenging the rules-based international order. Such remarks are a mockery of historical facts. They ignore that Russia, China, Iran, and North Korea were all victims of the fascist Axis powers, ignore the huge sacrifices they made for victory in the anti-fascist war, ignore the crucial contribution of Eastern allies in preventing German fascists and Japanese fascists from joining forces, ignore the immense trauma caused by Japanese invaders in European colonial territories in Asia-Pacific, ignore China’s significant role in tying down Japan’s main forces in the East to relieve pressure on the US-European allied forces, and even ignore the disgraceful history of Britain and the Soviet Union reoccupying neutral Iran in order to fight fascism.
Some people ask: Middle Eastern countries are generally friendly with China and relations have been very close in recent years, so why was it rare for their heads of state or government leaders to attend the “September 3rd” parade? It must be pointed out that for Middle Eastern countries, World War II was generally full of painful memories, as in the case of occupied Iran. At that time, most of them were not yet independent, but rather colonies or semi-colonies of European powers, serving as slaughter grounds crushed by the repeated struggles between fascist Germany-Italy and their former colonial masters. After World War II, Middle Eastern countries gradually achieved national independence. But they had neither historical ties nor emotional bonds with the Eastern front, and in today’s tangled international relations, their identities and circumstances are delicate. Moreover, they have no tradition of commemorating World War II. Therefore, most of them stayed away from the Beijing parade, which is not only understandable but also highlights China’s adherence to its diplomatic principle of non-alignment, non-coercion, equality among countries regardless of size, and mutual respect. It also shows that China and Middle Eastern countries can coexist harmoniously while maintaining differences, acting at their own convenience, and coming together or parting ways as circumstances allow.
The US government’s mentality toward China’s parade is rather complicated, which is not surprising. President Trump, who had repeatedly expressed his eagerness to visit China as soon as possible, failed to do so for well-known reasons and felt regretful. This time he admitted that he had watched the entire Beijing parade by video and exclaimed: “China’s Victory Day parade was wonderful, shocking, and impressive.” Afterwards, Trump posted on social media emphasizing that “America’s great support for China’s war of resistance must not be forgotten. I wish the Chinese leaders and people a great and lasting day of celebration.” But then he also bitterly and darkly claimed that China was “conspiring with Russia and North Korea against the United States.” Such fickle and contradictory behavior explains why he always longed to visit China but never received an official invitation from Beijing.
US Secretary of Defense Hegseth, speaking about the parade, stated that Trump had instructed the Department of Defense to “be prepared,” emphasizing that “it is not because we seek conflict, not because we want conflict with China, Russia, or other countries, but because being prepared can avoid conflict. America’s task is to safeguard its own strategic plans.” According to foreign media reports, immediately after the Chinese parade ended, the Pentagon ordered a large quantity of pizzas and fast food to work overtime analyzing the numerous cutting-edge weapons and equipment China had just displayed for the first time.
At this grand parade, former Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama still personally came to Beijing with a “heart of reflection and apology” to witness and commemorate together, which is truly moving and admirable. Unfortunately, Japanese politicians with such a correct view of history are extremely rare and even hard to sustain. This year, the Japanese government spent huge sums lobbying around the world to persuade countries to boycott China’s commemoration and parade, and maliciously attacked this just and legitimate Victory Day commemoration as “anti-Japanese propaganda.” This exposed the fact that Japanese politicians have always lacked an overall, systematic, even verbal reflection and remorse for that inhuman history of aggression. It also further warns the Chinese government and people that, in view of the lessons of external threats since the First Sino-Japanese War, they must maintain strong national defense forces, must maintain strong military deterrence, and must deter any political attempts or ambitions to justify aggression, to condone militarism and fascism, or even to attempt to revive them, whether they come from Europe or Asia.
Looking beyond the reality of the “September 3rd” parade, facing a world still plagued by wars, we should be grateful for the Chinese government’s defensive national defense policy and peaceful diplomacy, which have allowed generations of Chinese people to stay away from war and killing, to enjoy peace and prosperity, and to enjoy the happiness of complete families. The world should be even more grateful that China, though vast, does not bully the weak; though militarily strong, it is not warlike. Although China has territorial and maritime disputes with its neighbors, in nearly half a century it has never sent troops abroad, never threatened any small country with force, including tolerating the illegal occupation of Chinese territory in the South China Sea by some weak countries, without resorting to force, always showing restraint and endurance. A China already quite strong is especially unlike the United States, which is addicted to war, almost fighting every year and everywhere; unlike European countries, which under the NATO framework repeatedly send troops, interfere in the internal affairs of other countries, overthrow other governments, or launch proxy wars. Instead, China wholeheartedly seeks its own development, world peace, and the building of a community with a shared future for mankind.
It cannot be denied that China is still a developing country, certainly with various problems and difficulties, certainly not the flawless “ideal state.” But simply by adhering to the path of peace and development, adhering to the principle of self-defense, and committing to never being the first to use nuclear weapons under any circumstances, and unconditionally never using nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states or nuclear-free zones, this national policy is enough to prove that today’s China is a model for world peace and development, a safe harbor worthy of praise by the peoples of all countries, and a responsible great power.
The Sima Fa says: “Though a nation is great, if it loves war it will perish; though the world is at peace, forgetting war will bring danger.” “Weapons must not be treated as playthings, for if they are, they lose their deterrence; weapons must not be abandoned, for if they are, they invite the enemy.” To sleep on arms awaiting dawn, to hold arms to stop war, to be always prepared to secure long-lasting peace—this is not only a conclusion drawn from historical experience and lessons, but also the practical need and lasting value of holding a grand parade for the 80th anniversary of the victory of the Chinese People’s War of Resistance Against Japan and the World Anti-Fascist War.
Prof. Ma is the Dean of the Institute of Mediterranean Studies (ISMR) at Zhejiang International Studies University in Hangzhou. He specializes in international politics, particularly Islam and Middle Eastern affairs. He previously worked as a senior Xinhua correspondent in Kuwait, Palestine, and Iraq.
Opinion
Macroeconomic consequences of asymmetric UAV attacks in Russia
Today, the nature of asymmetric threats is undergoing a profound transformation, with their focus shifting increasingly toward economic centers. By mid-2026, the nature of asymmetric warfare within the borders of the Russian Federation entered a qualitatively new and critical phase.
An analysis of the Ukrainian unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) strikes carried out in July 2026 reveals a deliberate shift in targeting. Moving beyond military installations and fuel-energy infrastructure, these attacks directly targeted civilian logistics networks and critical nodes of the macroeconomic infrastructure.
The primary objective of this strategic shift is to deplete the country’s internal resources, induce insurmountable disruptions in supply chains, and exert intense psychological pressure on the civilian population.
Large-scale, coordinated strikes on the distribution centers of Wildberries—Russia’s largest e-commerce platform and part of the RVB joint venture (formed by the 2024 merger of Wildberries and Russ)—became the symbol of this new phase of home-front vulnerability. The geographic scope of these attacks, spanning an unprecedented area from the Northwestern Federal District to Southern Russia and Crimea, exposed critical gaps in national industrial risk insurance mechanisms. Furthermore, this situation sparked severe legal disputes between platform economy giants and small businesses, compelling immediate intervention from both corporate executives and senior state officials.
Tracing the multi-layered consequences of the kinetic impacts resulting from these July attacks on the state’s digital and physical economy will shape the new architecture of civilian sector security.
The zenith of the logistical terror waged by Ukraine was recorded on the night of July 24, 2026, marking the most technically complex UAV attack inflicted on Russian Federation territory since the beginning of the year. According to data from the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, domestic air defense systems detected and destroyed 571 fixed-wing Ukrainian UAVs that night.
Two points have become exceptionally critical here: saturating radar fields and the military “swarm” effect. In short, this event is the clearest indication that the enemy has transitioned to a tactic of overwhelming radar systems. At the same time, the “swarm” effect generated across a vast geographic expanse aims to rapidly deplete the ammunition of anti-aircraft missile systems and expose air defense positions deep behind the front lines.
The breadth of the targeted geography attests to the unprecedented scale of the operation. UAVs were neutralized over the Belgorod, Bryansk, Kaluga, Kursk, Leningrad, Novgorod, Oryol, Pskov, Ryazan, Smolensk, Tver, Tula, and Vladimir regions, as well as over Moscow, Krasnodar, the Republic of Crimea, and the waters of the Azov and Black Seas.
Such a dense dispersion of targets across a vast territory points to an attempt to paralyze transportation and logistics arteries within Russia’s European landmass.
In parallel with the mass deployment of UAVs, missile strikes were also conducted against civilian industrial enterprises. During the same period, a missile attack on a local enterprise in the Fileyka district of Kirov resulted in outright catastrophe, leaving 6 people dead and 32 employees injured with varying degrees of severity.
Following the incident, Regional Governor Aleksandr Sokolov stated that the situation required not only the evacuation of the wounded, but also large-scale interventions such as restoring water and power supplies and auditing the security of neighboring settlements. This combined approach—employing inexpensive kamikaze drones to degrade air defenses followed immediately by missile strikes on unprotected industrial zones—presents an entirely new threat paradigm for the civilian economy.
Systematic and sequential attacks directed at the facilities of a single commercial entity completely eliminate the possibility of coincidence. The strategic, macroeconomic, and psychological factors turning civilian commercial warehouses into critical vulnerabilities for an entire state rest upon four pillars:
- Role as the central circulatory system of domestic trade: Wildberries plays a critical role in the architecture of the modern Russian economy, connecting millions of consumers with tens of thousands of SMEs. Damage to distribution centers severe supply chains, triggering localized shortages of essential consumer goods and regional inflationary spikes. The primary goal is to destabilize the domestic market and create an artificial supply vacuum.
- Immense facility footprints and defense complexity: Spanning hundreds of thousands of square meters across the nation, these hangars constitute massive targets with high radar contrast. Unlike military bases, these commercial warehouses cannot possess their own air defense systems; placing every such facility under an air defense umbrella is physically impossible without compromising frontline systems.
- Social and psychological impact: In the eyes of the public, logistics centers symbolize daily economic stability. Black plumes of smoke visible from miles away, massive fires, and civilian casualties represent a hybrid terror tactic designed to transport an atmosphere of fear deep into peaceful cities and shake the internal socio-political climate.
- Magnified radius of economic impact: Inventory consumed by flames in these warehouses generally consists of stock purchased by merchants on credit. The destruction of commodity inventories holds the potential to cause mass vendor bankruptcies, bank loan defaults, and cascading layoffs across small businesses.
The events of July 2026 mark an irreversible shift in the threat landscape facing Russian commerce and macroeconomics. Attacks directed at Wildberries hubs in regions such as St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Tambov exposed the utter vulnerability of civilian logistics infrastructure.
Deploying relatively inexpensive unmanned aerial vehicles, the enemy is capable of inflicting tens of billions of rubles in direct damage, paralyzing the supply of essential goods, and triggering an acute social crisis in which hundreds of thousands of entrepreneurs face the threat of bankruptcy. According to Russian experts, the total cost of a single fire—similar to the Kotovsk incident on July 18—can range between 50 and 100 billion Rubles ($630 million – $1.2 billion USD).
Despite its massive capital reserves, corporate business was caught unprepared for military threats. The medium-term survival of the e-commerce economy depends on the state and the private sector uniting to engineer unprecedented systemic solutions. Establishing compensation funds and introducing mandatory risk-distribution mechanisms are critical steps that must be taken.
Logistics hubs will remain open targets unless a “state program for subsidized reinsurance of military risks” is established for the critical nodes of the civilian economy. In the future, it will not suffice for large enterprises merely to pour capital into the physical protection of infrastructure; they must also deeply decentralize their logistics networks to prevent the concentration of goods and capital at single points of failure.
Opinion
Egypt Under Fire: What Does the Damietta Strike Mean for Global Energy Markets?
Dr. Ahmed Moustafa, Director & Founder, Asia Center for Studies & Translation, Egypt
For the first time since successive waves of escalation between Washington and Tehran began in recent months, an Egyptian liquefied natural gas (LNG) export facility has become a direct target.
In the early hours of Wednesday, 29 July 2026, at least one drone struck the floating storage unit Energos Winter, owned and operated by a U.S. company and sailing under the Marshall Islands flag, while it was moored at the Mediterranean port of Damietta. The impact ignited a fire that spread to a neighboring LNG carrier, GasLog Salem. Egyptian authorities confirmed that the blaze was brought under control without any reported casualties, while no group had claimed responsibility for the attack at the time of writing.

A Broader Context That Cannot Be Ignored
The incident did not occur in a vacuum. It came only hours after the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that it had conducted joint strikes with Saudi forces targeting armed factions in Iraq accused of launching drone attacks against Saudi oil facilities. Tehran responded by warning against a “miscalculation,” at a time when the Middle East is still grappling with the repercussions of an earlier round of escalation that erupted on 8 July, when U.S. forces carried out strikes inside Iranian territory following an attack on a commercial vessel in the Strait of Hormuz. Iran retaliated with attacks targeting U.S. military bases in Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and the Sultanate of Oman.
Against this tense backdrop, Damietta appears to represent yet another link in the chain of regional escalation—but an exceptional one. For decades, Egypt has sought to keep itself removed from direct military polarization in the region, unlike several Gulf states that have increasingly become arenas of open confrontation.
At the same time, this interpretation does not entirely rule out the possibility of an indirect Israeli role, driven by hostility toward Egypt’s growing diplomatic influence in the Palestinian and Gaza files. Cairo has remained committed to advancing the two-state solution and to implementing the second and third phases of the peace roadmap agreed upon following the Sharm El-Sheikh Peace Summit last October. The Israeli government, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, has sought to obstruct these efforts. Netanyahu, who is the subject of arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court, is widely accused of bearing responsibility for committing genocide that, according to Palestinian authorities, have resulted in the deaths of approximately 73,000 Palestinian civilians since 7 October 2023.
Why Egypt?
Over the past two years, Egypt has steadily strengthened its position as a regional hub for liquefying and re-exporting natural gas. This growing role has been supported by its two LNG plants at Idku and Damietta, in addition to a network of pipelines linking the country with Israel and Cyprus.
This infrastructure—unmatched elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean in terms of combined liquefaction capacity and direct access to European and global markets—has transformed Damietta and Idku into critical gateways for Eastern Mediterranean gas, including increasing volumes of Israeli/Stolen Palestinian natural gas liquefied and re-exported through Egyptian facilities.
According to local reports, the Energos Winter alone was supplying approximately 450 million cubic feet of gas per day to Egypt’s national grid and was preparing to receive four additional cargoes during August.
This expanding role gives any attack on Egypt’s gas infrastructure significance far beyond the immediate incident itself. It threatens not only Egypt’s domestic energy supplies but also a supply chain upon which Europe has increasingly relied as part of its strategy to diversify away from Russian natural gas.
Who Was Behind the Attack? Open Scenarios
At the time of writing, no organization had officially claimed responsibility, leaving several possible interpretations.
The first scenario cautions against prematurely attributing responsibility to Iran or its regional allies. It argues that the ambiguity surrounding the incident—and the absence of any claim of responsibility—may itself be deliberate, allowing whichever actor carried out the attack to undermine Egyptian stability without incurring immediate political costs.
This possibility includes actors competing over Eastern Mediterranean energy routes, as well as local or transnational groups pursuing agendas unrelated to the U.S.-Iran confrontation. Egyptian officials themselves have adopted a notably cautious approach. Egypt’s Minister of Information warned against “rushing to accuse any party,” while a former official suggested that “certain actors are seeking to drag Egypt into the conflict,” implying that the attack may have been designed precisely to draw Cairo into a confrontation it has consistently sought to avoid.
A second scenario, Israeli Involvement or the Involvement of Israel’s Allies
This, in itself, remains a serious hypothesis that is reportedly being discussed in undisclosed investigative circles. The prevailing analyses, supported by pro-Israeli and pro-American narratives, have largely centered on suspicions directed at Iran or Iran-aligned actors within the context of the ongoing conflict, rather than at Tel Aviv. This is partly because Israel maintains an energy partnership with Egypt, making any attack on an Egyptian export terminal potentially detrimental to its own natural gas interests.
Nevertheless, this hypothesis—like all others—must ultimately be assessed in light of the findings of the official investigations, which are still underway. It is worth recalling, however, that repeated warnings have been voiced regarding the visits of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Washington, as such visits have often been followed by heightened regional instability, as was argued after developments last December. According to this line of analysis, Netanyahu seeks to prolong the conflict with Iran in order to strengthen his domestic political position, secure his continuation in office, and advance Israel’s long-term strategic objective of neutralizing Iran and carrying out “Greater Israel.”
Within this framework, some analysts argue that there are broader efforts to weaken both Egypt and Türkey. They cite remarks attributed to a former Mossad operative during appearances on Israeli television, alleging that such a strategy would also serve to divert international attention away from the Gaza file and the question of Palestinian statehood—an issue on which Egypt has intensified its diplomatic efforts in recent days. According to this interpretation, creating indirect pressure on Egypt—the region’s most stable and secure state—could be viewed as a means of drawing Cairo into a wider regional confrontation.
A third scenario links the incident directly to the broader U.S.-Iran escalation. According to the article, The New York Times, citing two Iranian sources, reported that the attack may have been intended as a signal that global shipping and energy supplies could face deeper disruptions should Tehran or its allies choose to escalate further. The sources, however, did not identify the perpetrators or specify the launch point of the drone.
The Messages Behind the Attack
Regardless of who carried out the operation, the choice of target sends several important signals. An attack on what the article describes as the first American-owned energy asset on Egyptian soil would convey a message to Washington that not only its military installations in the Gulf, but also its economic footprint across the region, has become increasingly vulnerable.
For Egypt, which has consistently pursued a policy of strategic restraint and regional neutrality, the incident serves as a reminder that its geographic position—adjacent to some of the world’s most important energy and maritime corridors—no longer guarantees insulation from the conflicts unfolding around it.
For global markets, the attack suggests that the geographic scope of potential disruption is expanding beyond the Strait of Hormuz and the Arabian Gulf into the Eastern Mediterranean, increasing insurance premiums for shipping and critical energy infrastructure in a region long regarded as comparatively secure.
Egypt’s Official Response
The Egyptian government handled the incident with considerable caution and procedural professionalism, treating it primarily as a crisis-management operation rather than a political event.
The Cabinet confirmed that the fire had been caused by a drone attack without attributing responsibility to any specific party, emphasizing that investigations were continuing “to take all necessary measures to safeguard Egypt’s interests and national security.”
Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly described the response as a test of the state’s crisis-management capabilities, praising emergency teams for successfully moving the burning vessels away from the port, thereby preventing what could have become a far larger disaster.
President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi addressed the incident publicly for the first time during a telephone conversation with Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. During the call, he confirmed that the competent authorities were conducting a comprehensive investigation, warned of the dangers posed by the escalating regional situation, and stressed the importance of cooperation between Egypt and the international community to contain the crisis while adhering to peaceful solutions.
This measured diplomatic approach—avoiding direct accusations while emphasizing de-escalation—reflects Cairo’s determination not to be drawn into a broader regional confrontation despite having come under direct attack on its own territory.
Several Gulf states also expressed their full solidarity with Egypt and voiced support for its efforts to safeguard its national security and sovereignty.
The Impact on Global Energy Markets
The Damietta incident occurred at a time when global energy markets were already under considerable strain. Brent crude had been hovering around US$90 per barrel following the escalation of 8 July, while the European Title Transfer Facility (TTF) benchmark for natural gas had climbed above US$700 per 1,000 cubic meters for the first time since March.
Any additional disruption affecting an Egyptian LNG export terminal risks reinforcing this upward trend. Europe has increasingly relied on Egyptian liquefied natural gas as part of its broader strategy to diversify supplies away from Russian pipeline gas. Consequently, even a temporary interruption to Egypt’s export infrastructure could heighten market concerns over supply security.
The incident also adds to the geopolitical risk premium already factored into insurance costs for vessels operating in the Eastern Mediterranean. Higher perceived risks could translate into increased shipping and insurance costs for LNG carriers throughout the region, even if subsequent investigations conclude that the attack was an isolated event unlikely to be repeated.
What Should Be Done to Prevent Similar Incidents?
First, Egypt should further strengthen its short-range air defense capabilities and counter-drone systems around strategic energy installations along its Mediterranean coastline. This includes deploying advanced early-warning radar networks and cost-effective interception systems capable of neutralizing small unmanned aerial vehicles before they reach critical infrastructure.
Second, broader regional intelligence-sharing mechanisms should be expanded among Egypt and neighboring states—including Cyprus, Greece, and Türkiye—in recognition of the increasingly interconnected nature of Eastern Mediterranean gas infrastructure and the shared strategic importance of safeguarding regional energy corridors.
Third, given that the targeted floating storage unit is owned by a U.S. company, Washington should contribute to financing and modernizing the protection of such critical infrastructure rather than limiting its response to statements indicating that it is merely “monitoring the situation,” as the article characterizes the U.S. reaction.
Finally—and perhaps most importantly—reducing the broader cycle of regional escalation between Washington and Tehran remains the only sustainable guarantee against similar incidents in the future. Any purely technical or localized security measures can mitigate immediate risks but cannot eliminate them so long as the underlying geopolitical drivers of confrontation remain unresolved.
Conclusion
The Damietta incident serves as a stark reminder that geographic neutrality alone is no longer sufficient to shield a country that has become a pivotal node in the global energy network.
References:
1- https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c39ez3klwmro
4- https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/29/world/middleeast/ships-drone-strike-egypt.html
Opinion
Rising populist parties in Europe and liberalism
Leon Trotsky, one of the foremost leaders of the October Revolution, defined fascism as the totalitarian organization of society by monopoly capital. Magnates of large-scale monopoly capital are acutely aware that their profits cannot be safeguarded in the absence of authoritarian political power. Thus, fascism finds its bedrock of support among capitalist forces, the grand bourgeoisie, monopoly capital circles, and major landowners. We are all too familiar with the calamities fascism wrought upon the world in the era preceding the Second World War.
The post–World War II era is often commemorated as the golden age of capitalism—a period characterized by robust growth rates and low unemployment. Real wages climbed, social rights expanded, demands for a welfare state remained vibrant, and the pursuit of a social state yielded tangible results. This era ultimately met its demise in the 1970s, undone by shifts in the regime of accumulation and structural economic crises.
Today, across Europe, political parties that could virtually be characterized as the direct successors to pre-WWII fascist movements are consolidating their electoral gains. Germany, France, and Italy serve as quintessential examples. These parties weaponize poverty, unemployment, and anti-foreigner, anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim, and anti-Middle Eastern sentiments, while capitalizing on the incompetence of traditional center-right and center-left parties and taking a deeply Eurosceptic, critical stance toward the European Union. They employ caustic rhetoric against the political elites who have dominated governance for decades. Receiving endorsement from both US President Trump and Russian leader Putin, they draw substantial support simultaneously from working-class constituencies—traditionally the bedrock of the left—and from grand capital circles. While monopoly capital quietly pats these populist movements on the back, it simultaneously winks at liberal-democratic and increasingly indistinguishable social-democratic parties that champion unbridled capitalism and aggressive liberalism. Beyond France and Germany, examples abound from Italy to the United Kingdom…
The interests of grand capital, which back populist regimes and advocate authoritarian governance, also champion localization. For the erosion of the national, the public, and the collective—alongside the attenuation of the central state and the elevation of the local—works decisively to the advantage of big capital.
Why?
Because of this:
Under liberalism, the state does not regulate the market; rather, the market regulates, directs, and subdues both the state and society. In a liberal order, the state is expected to act on behalf of capital and in favor of the market—intervening in politics, society, and the law, and enacting statutory frameworks strictly to this end. The state is tasked with engineering legal and institutional arrangements for the market’s account and benefit. Society is reduced to a market-society, wherein the citizen is reimagined as a consumer, a client, and an entrepreneur. Since competition is elevated as the supreme imperative, citizens themselves must become entrepreneurial and competitive—a posture the state actively promotes and incentivizes.
According to liberals, the state bears no obligation to shield its citizens from the pitiless mechanics of the market or the ferocity of unchecked capitalism. On the contrary, the state demands and encourages that citizens establish themselves as entrepreneurial actors within the market arena. Consequently, the state aligns itself with capital, operating at its beck and call. Hence, liberalism harbors an innate preference for unorganized, non-unionized, cheap labor. Wages are suppressed; agricultural subsidies are gutted to a minimum; and strikes are banned on the flimsiest of pretexts.
Because liberalism insists that the state be sculpted, organized, and driven according to market demands—allowing the market to command and direct the state—the liberal vision of the nexus between politics and economics, as well as politics and law, is deeply fractured. In their worldview, law must operate exclusively to the advantage of capital, acting as the vigilant sentinel for the inviolability of property rights. It must dismantle every obstacle standing in the way of free trade, unbridled competition, and the free market, while swiftly and severely penalizing any force that dares to impede them. To conform to the expectations and demands of capital: this is the primary imperative required of the law.
In sum, through its championing of identity politics, its reduction of the citizen to a mere client, and its liquidation of the state’s social character in order to place public power at the disposal of capital, liberalism stands fundamentally opposed to the social, the public, and the national. This is a truth that must be firmly impressed upon left-liberals, nationalist-liberals, and conservative-liberals alike.
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