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Another peace rally in Berlin: is the ice breaking?

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Almost a year ago, thousands of people gathered in a rainy Berlin to protest against the German government’s involvement in the war in Ukraine.

At the time, the crisis in the Left Party was in full swing and the break with Sahra Wagenknecht and her friends had become official. When the Left Party leadership decided to stay away from the rally, the demonstration was dominated by the not-yet-formed Sahra Wagenknecht Alliance (BSW) and its charismatic leader Sahra Wagenknecht.

This time, at the rally on 3 October, it was not quite so. Under the slogan “No more war – lay down your arms”, the demonstration at the Victory Column attracted not “thousands” but “tens of thousands” (the organisers spoke of at least 40,000 people). Wagenknecht was, of course, the most popular speaker, but this time the leader of the Left Party, Gesine Lötzsch, was also present. Organisations of Turkish origin also participated more intensively this time.

The date also seemed to have been specially chosen. 3 October is the ‘Day of German Unity’, the day when Germany was ‘united’, but in reality the German Democratic Republic was swallowed by the Federal Republic. In the 1990s there were fears that a reunited Germany would seek war, as it had done at least twice before in history. Berlin’s ‘turning point’ with the war in Ukraine seemed to confirm these fears.

Before the speeches began, rapper S. Castro summed up the main idea of the rally by singing a song with the lyrics ‘In Kiev we ignore the Hitler salute because our minds are banned’.

At the start of the rally, organiser Reiner Braun, a veteran of the German peace movement, called for an ‘end to the killing’ in Gaza and Lebanon.

Perhaps the most interesting moment of the rally came when SPD member of parliament Ralf Stegner took to the podium. The SPD is the largest member of Germany’s grand coalition and is seen as the party most responsible for the war policy in Ukraine. Although Stegner is considered a ‘dissident’ within his own party (which was the reason for his appearance at the rally), when he spoke about ‘Russia’s war of aggression’ and ‘Ukraine’s right to self-defence’ he was met with a storm of whistles and boos. Stegner claimed that Germany’s aid, including military aid, was ‘humanitarian’, but his speech was briefly interrupted by whistling. At this point the organising committee intervened and asked the crowd to let Stegner continue. Amid the jeers, the SPD politician claimed that his party remained part of the peace movement and called for a diplomatic solution to the war in Ukraine.

Stegner could be said to be torn between two mosques. Before the rally, when it was announced that he would also be a speaker, he was attacked by the Greens and the SPD. The SPD politician had said the day before that the issue of peace ‘should not be left to parties like the BSW and AfD’.

Another surprise at the rally was the Bavarian conservative politician Peter Gauweiler. Speaking from the podium, Gauweiler of the CSU said it was the first time in his life he had attended a peace rally. In a speech that at times drew laughter from the crowd, the CSU politician also greeted his ‘old friend Oskar Lafontaine’ and argued that when it comes to arms deliveries to Kiev, ‘you can’t put out a fire with petrol’.

The much-anticipated Wagenknecht, on the other hand, spoke with the confidence of someone who has become a leader of the peace movement. He said he had ‘great respect’ for the booing SPD Stegner, but stressed that the SPD leadership, Olaf Scholz and Boris Pistorius were no longer part of the peace movement. The Green Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock was ‘a security risk for Germany’ and people like her were dragging the country further and further into war.

Anyone who started a war for them was guilty, she said, adding: ‘But please, no double standards. If Putin is a criminal, what about the US politicians who have been responsible for so many wars in recent years? The BSW leader was also almost alone in criticising the planned deployment of American intermediate-range missiles in Germany.

At the end of her speech, Wagenknecht quoted the author Erich Maria Remarque: “I always thought that everyone was against the war, until I learned that there are those who are for it, especially those who don’t have to go”.

Wagenknecht’s quote refers to politicians from the ‘traffic light’ coalition, such as the Greens’ Anton Hofreiter and the FDP’s Marie-Agnes Strack-Zimmermann. Wagenknecht points out that these are ‘warmongers’ who should form a battalion and prove themselves in battle.

And then the thicker and thicker strands of German politics are hit. Last year I wrote about the caution on the Palestinian issue. This year there were plenty of Palestinian and Lebanese flags in the crowd (and the odd Russian flag), but there was little difference in the political context.

On the Middle East, for example, Wagenknecht said it was ‘inhuman to applaud when Iran fires rockets at Israel’. However, he said the debate lacked empathy for the ‘Palestinian victims’, adding: “Terrorists cannot be stopped by terror and war”.

Some other BSW politicians, calling for a halt to German arms supplies to Israel and an immediate ceasefire, also feel the need to begin their remarks with ‘Hamas terror’.

For Germany, Israel is an absolute reality whose existence cannot even be questioned, justified by its role in the Holocaust. Israel exists as the child of German guilt, to the extent that for a German the possible destruction of Israel is more important than the possible destruction of Germany. In the words of former Chancellor Angela Merkel, support for Israel is declared to be Germany’s state mission, the wisdom of the German state, its raison d’être.

However, it should not be assumed that the participants in the rally were all on the same wavelength. For example, according to Deutsche Welle, ‘some isolated members of the demonstration’ carried banners accusing NATO of genocide in eastern Ukraine and Israel of genocide in Gaza. As the heavyweights left the rally after Wagenknecht and the crowd began to disperse, Salah Abdel-Shafi, the Palestinian Authority’s envoy to Vienna, took to the podium and said that Israel had been committing genocide for a year and that the world had remained silent.

Then Iris Hefets of Jewish Voice for a Just Peace in the Middle East, a supporter of the BDS movement, and activist Nadija Samour spoke together. Hefets said Israel was committing genocide in Palestine with the support of Germany.

Nevertheless, it can be said that the peace movement in Germany is gaining momentum and has shaken off some of its dead wood. Although no major cracks have yet appeared in mainstream politics, the politicians we spoke to believe that the outcome of September’s state elections in East Germany could change Berlin. The 3 October rally was well attended, and the fact that some people from the Left Party, even the SPD and CSU, joined the demonstration may be a small indication of this.

The prospect of early federal elections also depends in part on this. Before the budget for 2025 is presented to the Bundestag in November, we will know whether the death knell has been sounded for the SPD-Green coalition, which was soundly defeated in the state elections. Nevertheless, it is clear that Germany is entering a period in which at least ‘some things will change’ in order to ‘keep things the same’.

Europe

NATO unveils 32-nation defence strategy to counter adversaries

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NATO Supreme Allied Commander Europe (SACEUR) Alexus Grynkewich has unveiled a new defence strategy aimed at rendering any attack against an alliance member entirely futile.

Speaking at the Warsaw Security Forum, Grynkewich said the concept, titled the “Theory of War”, is designed to prevent hostile elements from infiltrating NATO territory and waging conflict there.

Arguing that they aim to reassure the one billion people living within the alliance’s borders, Grynkewich maintained that they also wish to send a message to adversaries such as Russia that NATO is prepared for a potential invasion.

“If we are attacked, we are ready to fight even tonight,” Grynkewich said.

Three-stage defence plan enters into force

Approved by all 32 alliance members, the plan combines land forces and conventional weapons systems with advanced technologies such as unmanned aerial vehicles, counter-drone systems, and artificial intelligence.

Lessons drawn from ground and air combat in Ukraine, as well as current conflicts in the Middle East, play a decisive role in shaping the strategy.

According to Grynkewich, the new defence doctrine rests on three fundamental phases that form the core of NATO’s approach:

The first pillar of the plan, the “block” phase, focuses on preventing hostile forces from seizing allied territory.

In this context, NATO ground components will engage directly with attacking units, restrict their manoeuvrability, and neutralise forces attempting to breach alliance borders.

Should the assault continue, the second phase (“blunt”) will come into play, deploying autonomous systems requiring minimal human intervention alongside advanced sensor networks to slow the momentum of the attack and wear down advancing forces.

These systems will detect threats in real time, combining capabilities across different operational domains to halt the adversary’s advance.

The final stage, the “break” phase, will target not the attacking units directly, but the operational warfighting system that sustains them.

Command centres, supply chains, and logistics routes will be struck using long-range precision strike systems and sensor networks, eliminating the adversary’s ability to sustain military operations.

“Enemy commanders will not be able to direct their troops, their supply lines will be severed, and their logistics vehicles will be destroyed,” Grynkewich said.

Strategy aims to defend borders rather than gain territory

Noting that NATO has no intention of acquiring territory and that the strategy is entirely defence-oriented, Grynkewich said, “We have no plan, intention, or ambition beyond protecting our citizens and our territory.”

Stating that he considers the likelihood of a direct attack on alliance territory to be low, the commander nevertheless stated that they would respond without hesitation to any attempt targeting allies.

Addressing questions regarding US commitment to the alliance, Grynkewich recalled that Washington reaffirmed its adherence to Article 5 at the NATO summit in July.

Article 5, which forms the cornerstone of NATO’s collective defence principle, stipulates that an armed attack against one ally is considered an attack against all members.

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Germany detains two Turkish suspects over Polish Starlink arson

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Polish authorities have announced that German police detained two Turkish citizens suspected of setting fire to a Starlink station near Warsaw last month.

Tomasz Siemoniak, Poland’s minister coordinating the special services, told a news conference in Warsaw on Monday that Poland has requested the suspects’ extradition and has “no doubt” that Russian secret services were behind the arson attack.

“It should also be noted that Russian intelligence agencies are increasingly turning to people linked to the criminal underworld,” Siemoniak said at the press conference.

In a post on X, Prime Minister Donald Tusk described the incident as another “act of hybrid warfare” and said those responsible for the sabotage would be brought to justice in Poland.

Interior Minister Marcin Kierwinski said the two Turkish citizens would be charged in Poland with carrying out an act of sabotage on the orders of a foreign intelligence agency.

Power supply equipment at a Starlink ground station serving Eastern Europe, including Poland and Ukraine, caught fire on the night of 23 September.

The incident did not cause a major disruption to internet service. The blaze, however, completely destroyed the station’s electrical system and backup generator.

Poland, a key transit route for Western aid to Ukraine, has faced a series of suspicious incidents recently.

Numerous cyberattacks have targeted public utilities, including water and energy infrastructure as well as hospitals.

In addition, damage to a railway line between Warsaw and the Ukrainian border was attributed by officials to Russian sabotage.

In late July, a Russian missile also landed in Poland.

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LSE study finds post-bailout Greece turned into a cafe economy

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A new study prepared by the Hellenic Observatory at the London School of Economics (LSE) has examined the structural transformation of the Greek economy following the bailout era.

According to reporting by the Greek Reporter, the study titled “The Café Economy”, authored by Michalis Nikiforos, Vlassis Missos, Christos Perros, and Nikolaos Rodousakis, revealed that the country has become excessively dependent on Accommodation and Food Service Activities (AFSA), a sector encompassing all tourism-related fields including restaurants, bars, hotels, entertainment, and short-term rentals.

The researchers pointed to a fundamental issue that is often overlooked behind the “café economy” characterisation. According to the study, despite promises of a new “development model”, Greece has over the last 15 years remained trapped in a growth cycle built on an exceptionally fragile foundation.

Labour productivity declined as tourism expanded

The study reported that following austerity policies and structural reforms that liberalised labour and product markets, tourism-linked activities expanded disproportionately compared to other sectors. This unbalanced growth became one of the primary drivers of the economy’s broader loss of productivity.

Contrary to the productivity gains promised by bailout reforms, an opposite trend took hold across the Greek economy. While labour productivity suffered a steep decline, employment shifted toward low-productivity sectors, led by accommodation and food services.

The researchers identified the contraction in aggregate demand and the sharp erosion of real wages as the main causes of this productivity collapse. Between 2009 and 2024, labour productivity fell by 16% and remained below pre-crisis levels.

The slide in real wages was even more pronounced. Across the country, real wages dropped by between 26% and 35%, while losses in the tourism sector reached as high as 60%. The authors described this outcome as a severe process of income redistribution operating against labour.

The shift of employment toward the AFSA sector accounted for approximately one-third of the total decline in labour productivity. The loss of hundreds of thousands of jobs in productive sectors such as manufacturing, alongside the scarcity of employment in high-technology and innovation fields, deepened this decline.

Greece enters regression under a dual model

According to the study, Greece’s development model is displaying a historical regression by evolving into a “dual” structure typically observed in underdeveloped or transition economies. In this model, economic growth relies on deploying labour, cheapened through wage suppression, into low-productivity sectors.

Noting that the three bailout programmes implemented between 2010 and 2018 triggered a deep recession instead of boosting competitiveness, the researchers stated that the Greek economy has never fully emerged from this slump.

The study also recalled that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) had in the past apologised for underestimating the negative impacts of severe fiscal contraction.

Educated young population works in low-wage jobs

Data published by the LSE showed that the workforce in the AFSA sector underwent a fundamental transformation between 2009 and 2023:

Employment in the sector surged by 87%. Gross Value Added recorded 11% growth. AFSA became the largest employer in the Greek economy.

On the other hand, the sector is characterised by low wages, precarious working conditions, and an increase in part-time work. Although the educational attainment of tourism employees has risen, workers are increasingly employed below their qualifications.

Eurostat figures confirm that Greece, behind Spain, has one of the highest rates in Europe of young graduates who are overqualified yet employed in unskilled jobs.

More than 86% of young university graduates working in the tourism and hospitality sector are employed below their qualification levels.

Structural risks deepen while external balance improves

The report titled “The Café Economy” listed the advantages along with the severe vulnerabilities generated by this development path:

The positive effect emerged in the external balance. The tourism sector provided a significant contribution to correcting the current account balance. The trade surplus in travel services rose by five percentage points between 2009 and 2023, covering approximately half of the total current account deficit contraction over the same period.

Conversely, overreliance on tourism and a low-productivity, low-wage, labour-intensive services economy brought heavy structural weaknesses:

Social and environmental degradation: The disproportionate growth of the sector lays the ground for environmental and cultural deterioration, frequently described through the concept of “overtourism”.

Housing crisis: The proliferation of short-term rentals and foreign property acquisitions drives up rents, making housing costs unaffordable for local workers.

External dependence: As the café economy expands at the expense of other sectors, reliance on external demand and seasonal fluctuations multiplies; entire regions remain exposed to shifts in tourist flows.

The researchers warned that low-wage policies erode economic competitiveness over the long term by weakening incentives for technological innovation and progress.

Noting that the thesis claiming market liberalisation automatically delivers productivity has been undermined by the Greek experience, the study stated that dependence on low-productivity sectors such as AFSA creates an economic dilemma. Even if these activities support demand and foreign currency inflows, they damage long-term productivity and social sustainability.

The report noted: “A successful way out for Greece requires policies that do not merely stimulate demand, but also strategically promote high-productivity sectors, support technological upgrading, and ensure inclusive growth. Without such a change of course, the ‘café economy’ risks becoming not a temporary adjustment process, but a long-term stagnation equilibrium.”

The study concluded with a call to re-evaluate structural reforms in light of real economic and institutional conditions, and to prioritise development focused on high productivity.

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