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Doubts grow over the future of the Franco-German FCAS fighter jet project

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Doubts are growing at Airbus and within German politics regarding the development of the new Franco-German European fighter jet, the “Future Combat Air System” (FCAS).

Airbus’s defense subsidiary, the Germany-based aircraft manufacturer expected to lead Europe’s largest defense project, and the French aircraft manufacturer Dassault have so far failed to reach an agreement.

Michael Schöllhorn, head of Airbus’s defense division, told Handelsblatt, “Germany and Europe need a next-generation air combat system, and Airbus is ready to develop such a system.”

Thomas Röwekamp, chairman of the CDU’s Bundestag defense committee, stated that “they cannot give up on this important technology, neither from a military nor an industrial policy perspective.”

However, negotiations between Airbus and Dassault have been stalled for months. This situation is already causing discontent among employees.

Airbus to the French: There are other attractive partnerships

Thomas Pretzl, chairman of the Airbus Defence and Space works council, told Handelsblatt that employees in Germany want clarity and that a decision on how to proceed with FCAS must be made soon.

For instance, Pretzl believes FCAS could continue without Dassault, saying, “Partnership is based on cooperation, not competition. There are more attractive and suitable partners in Europe.”

FCAS is planned to be a combination of fighter jets, unmanned aerial vehicles, and a data platform. The system aims not only to protect European airspace but also to free the continent from its technological dependence on America.

Development costs alone are expected to reach tens of billions of euros, but the system will not be operational before 2040. Critics argue this is too late and too expensive.

French Dassault wants the lion’s share of the profit

During his visit to Spain last Thursday, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz complained, “We are making no progress on this project. Things cannot continue as they are.”

Efforts will be made to find a solution by the end of the year “so that this project can truly be realized,” and according to industry sources, a decision could be made as early as October.

Spain is the third partner in the FCAS alliance, alongside France and Germany. The contracts stipulate that German and Spanish industries will receive more than half of the project’s added value.

Dassault is said to have recently demanded 80% of the added value for the aircraft, the main component of FCAS. Although Dassault denies this figure, CEO Eric Trappier reaffirms his company’s leading role in the aircraft’s development.

Merz and French President Emmanuel Macron had tasked their defense ministers with finding a solution to the deadlocked dispute. Ultimately, FCAS is also intended to be a symbol of effective European cooperation, similar to what Airbus achieved in civil aircraft production.

The fragile political situation in France has increased budget uncertainty

But the complex joint venture structure between the German Airbus divisions and the rival Dassault Group continues to fuel competition and mistrust.

In recent months, both sides have tended to drift apart. Additionally, France is politically paralyzed. Former French Defense Minister Sébastien Lecornu was appointed as the new French prime minister on September 9, but he has neither a majority in parliament nor a budget.

According to the project plan, a multi-billion-dollar development contract with a fixed industrial workshare must be approved this year to advance FCAS.

Meanwhile, an increasing number of European countries are purchasing the F-35 from the US company Lockheed Martin, which possesses stealth capabilities and superior digital features. Germany has also ordered three dozen F-35s, which can be equipped with American nuclear bombs in emergencies.

However, a disadvantage of the F-35s is that only the US has full control over the aircraft’s software. Another drawback is that Europe’s arms spending flows to US industry.

Germany sets its sights on the British-Italian-Japanese fighter jet project

On the other hand, other projects are underway in Europe. The “Global Combat Air Programme” (GCAP) is a joint project of BAE Systems from the UK, Leonardo from Italy, and Mitsubishi from Japan.

The intensive development phase for GCAP has not yet begun. However, at the DSEI defense fair in London in September, the three GCAP partners emphasized their willingness to accept other companies and partner countries.

The more partners there are, the lower the costs per country.

Experts advise Airbus to change course. Aviation expert Michael Santo says, “If the FCAS project continues to develop at its current pace, we will have an obsolete system by 2050. The French are setting a benchmark by demanding 80% of the project. The Germans seem bewildered and refer to the contracts.”

Arguing that it would be “economically irresponsible” to proceed with confidence in FCAS’s future, Santo claims, “Airbus Defence needs a strong partner, and BAE would not be a bad choice.”

Competition with Rafale unsettles the Germans

A partnership with British and Italian industry is possible. Airbus, BAE Systems, and Leonardo jointly build the Eurofighter. French industry withdrew from the project in the 1990s and developed the Rafale. Since then, the Eurofighter and Rafale have been competitors in the global market. This is another reason for the significant mistrust between Airbus and Dassault.

With BAE Systems and Leonardo, Airbus could benefit from established processes from Eurofighter production. The disadvantage here is that Airbus and German industry would be joining the consortium relatively late.

In fact, Germany has more financial leeway than the UK and Italy, as the debt brake for defense projects has been largely lifted. Works council chairman Pretzl says it is also possible to work with other partners in Europe, adding, “Theoretically, we could also develop our own fighter jet in Germany.”

A partnership with Saab is also possible

An independent development in Germany seems unlikely. Therefore, the option of the Swedish company Saab is also being discussed within German industry.

Saab produces the Gripen, a fighter jet comparable to the Eurofighter, which has also been delivered to South Africa, Brazil, and Thailand.

Germany has many connections to this project, and relations are considered excellent. Sweden has been a NATO member since 2024 and, like Germany, is significantly increasing its defense spending.

For example, the Airbus subsidiary MBDA supplies guided missiles for the Gripen’s armament. In March, the Swedish government announced it would also upgrade the Gripen for the latest version of the Taurus cruise missile.

In June, Helsing, a Munich-based defense startup specializing in artificial intelligence (AI), tested an air combat AI agent called Centaur on the Gripen.

This forms the basis of a future joint air combat system. Furthermore, since the Eurofighter and Gripen were developed in the 1990s, their updates and the introduction of a possible successor could be synchronized.

On Tuesday, Defense Minister Boris Pistorius will meet with his Swedish counterpart, Pal Jonson. According to Bloomberg, one of the topics on the agenda will be the modernization of the Eurofighter with Saab technology.

Dependence on Eurofighters may continue a while longer

The German Armed Forces’ modernized Eurofighters could operate with larger unmanned aerial vehicles, similar to the FCAS concept.

Airbus has formed a partnership with the US supplier Kratos and plans to begin deliveries to the German Armed Forces from 2029.

In addition, the Eurofighter may remain in production longer than previously thought. Spain and Italy have ordered new aircraft, and Germany intends to order at least 20 more in October. There are also export demands from Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Turkey.

Airbus defense chief Schöllhorn says, “In the past, we struggled to maintain the necessary production rate of ten aircraft per year. Now, we are doubling this rate as we expect new orders.”

Berlin does not want to end the partnership with Paris immediately

New Eurofighter orders and strong business related to tanker and reconnaissance aircraft provide Airbus Defence with new room for maneuver. Losses in the satellite business recently forced Schöllhorn to cut 2,500 of approximately 33,000 jobs worldwide. A new dynamic could develop with new Eurofighter orders and a new FCAS launch.

But German politicians are not yet ready to write off the Franco-German FCAS system. CDU politician Röwekamp says, “It is not technical limitations that are currently slowing down the project, but national industrial interests.”

He expects the political issues regarding the program’s further development to be clarified by the end of the year at the latest, stating, “Our security policy objective should not fail due to trivial industrial policy issues.”

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CDU unrest raises doubts over Merz’s future as chancellor

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Germany’s Chancellor Friedrich Merz is facing mounting unrest within his Christian Democratic Union (CDU), with party figures reportedly beginning to push for a change in leadership.

According to Der Spiegel, frustration is growing among influential party members who believe Merz has repeatedly failed to capitalize on political opportunities.

One senior party figure quoted by the magazine said: “The ball is sitting on the penalty spot, the opposing goalkeeper is nowhere in sight, yet Merz somehow manages to score an own goal.”

Der Spiegel added: “It appears there is little hope left within the CDU that Merz can climb out of the hole he has dug for himself.”

After speaking with the chancellor’s allies and figures from the CDU leadership circle, the magazine said the interviews painted the picture of a party that has lost confidence in Merz.

“This is unprecedented in post-war German history. When CDU Chancellor Ludwig Erhard was removed by his own party in 1966, the process unfolded slowly and gradually over several months. In Merz’s case, however, it has been possible to watch his authority collapse within just a few days. And the person dragging him down is not his party colleagues, but himself.”

The CDU has already been on edge after trailing the Alternative for Germany (AfD) in opinion polls for months. The situation has now been compounded by what Der Spiegel described as the “Merz fiasco”.

According to the magazine, even within the CDU’s highest leadership circles, almost no one would now bet that the chancellor will remain in office until Christmas.

According to Politico, public criticism of Merz has come primarily from figures who were removed from government during the cabinet reshuffle.

The leadership issue, however, has not yet been raised openly because of the summer recess.

Elections are due in three eastern German states: Saxony-Anhalt, Berlin and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania. Polling points to a disastrous outcome for the CDU.

One prominent Christian Democrat wrote: “Things I once thought unimaginable are happening. Merz is in a tunnel; he can no longer reach the party. Everything is over.”

The same CDU figure believes Merz will either have to throw in the towel or be forced to resign by 21 September at the latest.

That date refers to the Monday following the twin elections in Berlin and Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania.

The collapse in confidence surrounding Merz has followed this chronology. On Saturday, 18 July, parliamentary group leader Jens Spahn resigned.

Just three days earlier, Spahn had announced through the Bild newspaper that he and his husband had welcomed a son born through a surrogate mother in the US.

For Merz, this presented a completely unexpected opportunity. He had never trusted Spahn but had hoped he could keep him under control after becoming chancellor.

In recent months, however, the parliamentary group leader had become one of the coalition’s central figures by taking advantage of what the article describes as Merz’s weak leadership.

Nothing moved without him. Spahn had effectively become the CDU’s second most powerful figure.

The chancellor was unhappy with that situation, but Spahn’s resignation suddenly removed the problem on its own. Merz had already been planning a cabinet reshuffle for the autumn.

The chancellor is also reported to have been dissatisfied with several cabinet members and, according to the article, to have displayed a certain “arrogance” in meetings with subordinates.

For example, during an executive board meeting in Rhineland-Palatinate, a letter became public stating that the CDU parliamentary group in the state legislature had cancelled its meeting with Merz because “the minimum level of mutual trust and respect” no longer existed. According to the article, such an insult had never occurred before.

Participants at last week’s Presidium and Executive Committee meetings all noticed the tense atmosphere.

Some believe the CDU leader has “buried himself deep inside his own tunnel” and “is no longer even aware of how serious his situation has become”.

According to later accounts from the group, Rhineland-Palatinate Minister-President Gordon Schnieder even accused the chancellor of lacking professionalism.

What happens next? According to Der Spiegel, the party leadership is avoiding that question. No scenarios are being discussed, even in small groups.

“They do not want to invite disaster. Especially now, when everyone is looking forward to the summer break. Right now, nobody needs a change of chancellor. But nobody believes Merz still has a future as head of government.”

After the elections in eastern Germany, some argue that Merz should be forced to resign.

According to the report, if three experienced state premiers were to advise the chancellor to step down for the good of both the country and the party, Merz would almost certainly comply, or at least that is what his team believes. Even so, they are not entirely certain.

Following such a resignation, North Rhine-Westphalia Minister-President Hendrik Wust is expected to step in. He is the only figure mentioned as a potential successor to Merz.

CSU leader Markus Soeder is reportedly considered unacceptable to the CDU, while the idea that CSU Interior Minister Alexander Dobrindt could become chancellor is described as absurd. As a result, the task would fall to Wust.

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Germany lays groundwork for civilian alternative as conscription looms

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In Germany, the Ministry for Family Affairs has already begun working on the revitalization of alternative civilian service, which serves as a constitutionally mandated prerequisite for the reintroduction of compulsory military service.

The federal government is taking measures to implement a new civilian service system in the event that mandatory military service is restored.

The Federal Ministry for Family Affairs confirmed that over recent months it surveyed 23 major associations and organizations regarding the types of opportunities they could offer to conscientious objectors should compulsory military service be reinstated.

A ministry spokesperson stated: “22 out of the 23 associations indicated that, in the event that the military obligation is reactivated, their infrastructure and placements are in principle ready, and they could offer a wide variety of opportunities to those performing civilian service in lieu of military service.”

Thorsten Frei, parliamentary secretary of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU) faction in the Bundestag, considers taking precautions against the potential entry into force of a new civilian service to be “very sensible and correct.”

Speaking to the channels RTL and ntv, the CDU politician noted that there is currently no new development in the discussions regarding a return to military service.

However, Frei emphasized: “We can never rule out that decisions may need to be taken quickly to prepare for all contingencies. In that case, the resulting consequences must also be clear.”

Criticism regarding the potential reintroduction of compulsory civilian service has emerged from the opposition.

Ines Schwerdtner, co-leader of The Left party, stressed that “the state should not dictate to young people how they ought to spend a year of their lives.” This principle, she asserted, applies as much to compulsory civilian service as it does to compulsory military service.

According to Schwerdtner, young people should not be used “to fill the gaps in a welfare state that the federal government has spent years ruining through austerity policies.”

In statements to the Funke Media Group, the party chair emphasized that there is no need for “state-mandated cheap labor” in care services, emergency rescue services, or social institutions.

Martin Hagen, Secretary General of the Free Democratic Party (FDP), views the preparations by the Federal Ministry for Family Affairs as an admission of failure by the CDU-SPD coalition government.

Pointing out that plans for a new civilian service are already being drawn up, Hagen stated that this demonstrates the coalition government has “zero confidence in its efforts to reach the target personnel numbers for the Bundeswehr through voluntary enlistment.”

Hagen criticized the CDU/CSU and SPD for failing to “make the Bundeswehr an attractive employer and to inspire young people toward military service.”

The Social Association of Germany (SoVD) also expressed concern, presenting arguments similar to those of Left Party leader Schwerdtner.

Michaela Engelmeier, Chairwoman of the SoVD Executive Board, stated that compulsory civilian service would represent a major intervention by the state in the freedom and life plans of young people.

She likewise warned that a new civilian service could be abused to obtain cheap labor and to substitute for regular employment. Instead of focusing on a new civilian service, she argued that the federal government ought to strengthen voluntary work.

According to junge Welt (jW), the German media is applauding this step, with some outlets now demanding further forms of compulsory service not merely for youth, but for everyone.

As the newspaper Neue Ruhr Zeitung (NRZ) acknowledged, the government’s plans imply that “the implementation of general conscription is drawing near.”

It is argued that these compulsory services are necessary “due to the threat originating from Russia and NATO’s shifting objectives.”

The newspaper Die Rheinpfalz expressed regret that the “voluntary community service year” is “unfortunately being overlooked” in the current debate, while echoing the German government’s rationale:

“Ever since the hope for everlasting peace in Europe was shattered by Russia’s brutal attack on Ukraine, Germany once again requires more soldiers.”

Arguing that this idea is “more logical today than ever,” the newspaper continued:

“Everyone devotes a few months to society between school, vocational training, and university. Naturally, it remains up to each individual to decide whether that time is spent in the military, or in a hospital, a care home, or a fire station.”

Even within Redaktionsnetzwerk Deutschland (RND), the prevailing view is that rather than merely debating a new civilian service program for conscientious objectors, a “fundamental and comprehensive debate regarding a period of social service or a general mandatory service year” should be initiated.

The deputy head of RND’s Berlin bureau states that compulsory service requires “public acceptance.” The “enormous potential of a universal mandatory service year” and the “certainty of personally contributing to the country’s security and stability” are highlighted as significant justifications driving Germany toward a new mandatory conscription turning point.

RND writes that women as well as men, and older adults alongside young people, would be included in this framework, adding that people could finally “do something for the state—and consequently for themselves.”

Compulsory military service was suspended in July 2011, which in practice meant the abolition of both military and civilian service. Civilian service was replaced by the Federal Voluntary Service.

At the beginning of this year, a new military service framework came into effect. The foundation of this arrangement relies on a mandatory health examination for young men born in 2008 and later. Through this mechanism, the aim is to recruit volunteers to strengthen the armed forces.

Should target capacity ranges fail to be met, the Bundestag may enact a decision on “need-based mandatory conscription.”

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European carmakers turn to Chinese rivals to salvage struggling plants

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European carmakers, struggling with severe headwinds and halted assembly lines across numerous plants, are turning to Chinese rivals to salvage their operations.

A report by the Financial Times outlines the perilous situation facing factories across the continent, particularly in Italy.

The sprawling Fiat automobile plant in Cassino, located 130 km southeast of Rome and once an engine of the local economy, has taken on a desolate, near-abandoned atmosphere.

The facility’s 2,200 employees are summoned to work only a few days a month. In the first half of 2026, the plant produced just 6,700 cars, representing a minuscule fraction of its annual capacity of 300,000 units.

Denise Tisci, a 40-year-old mother of three who has worked at the plant since 2007, has not worked a shift since May and relies on a government temporary lay-off scheme alongside her colleagues.

“We have cut back on many things, even basic, simple things like taking the children out for a pizza,” Tisci said. “Having to look our children in the face is deeply humiliating.”

Fiat workers expect Stellantis, the automaker’s parent company, to seek a Chinese solution for the Cassino plant, mirroring its recent agreements in Spain and France with Leapmotor and Dongfeng.

This situation is not unique to Fiat, as a growing number of European carmakers turn to Chinese competitors to resolve issues caused in part by their rapid expansion into the region.

Emanuele Cappellano, head of European operations at Stellantis, told the Financial Times regarding the company’s recent partnerships in China:

“This is not just a way to survive and catch up with our new rivals, but also an opportunity to boost sales volume and achieve growth in Europe.”

A total closure of the group’s Italian factories has been ruled out, and Cappellano noted that a solution for Cassino will be found by the end of the year.

As the company seeks a partner to revitalize its struggling Maserati brand, a likely scenario involves collaborating with a Chinese group with which it already maintains ties.

This could involve either its electric vehicle (EV) joint-venture partner Leapmotor or state-owned Dongfeng.

“Any partner that moves its production to these factories is not a problem for us. The crisis in the automotive sector is impacting the entire economy,” said Enzo Salera, Mayor of Cassino, adding that local retailers and restaurants have also been severely affected.

European automotive production accounts for approximately 7% of the continent’s GDP and provides employment to roughly 14 million people.

With regional car sales remaining roughly 3 million units below pre-pandemic levels and Chinese rivals capturing market share, other companies have begun adopting new strategies to survive.

Nissan is collaborating with Chery in the UK, Volkswagen continues discussions with Xpeng, and Ford has signed an agreement with Geely in Spain.

Jim Baumbick, head of Ford in Europe, remarked last week while announcing the collaboration with Geely: “The environment in Europe has changed forever. The objective is to achieve the lowest possible cost.”

According to AlixPartners, plant utilization rates in the European automotive sector are running below 60%, leaving a total production capacity of approximately 2.5 million vehicles potentially idle.

Stellantis is doubling down on a strategy that some industry executives view as a short-term fix, but one that could prove self-destructive if local supply chains and technological know-how are not reinforced.

Stellantis has invited Leapmotor and Dongfeng to manufacture models at its facilities in Spain and France.

The Dongfeng agreement was broadly welcomed by French workers because it could help save a 1960s-era plant in Rennes, Brittany.

Like many other Stellantis plants in the country, the Rennes facility had been reduced to a single assembly line, with surrounding land sold off.

Laurent Oechsel, a representative of the French CFE-CGC union at Stellantis, asked: “Right now, Chinese-made cars are sitting in our ports. Do we want to keep fighting against this as the textile sector once did, or do we want to continue producing cars in France alongside the Chinese?”

The challenge for European policymakers, carmakers, and trade unions is to ensure that manufacturing partnerships preserve employment while bolstering the region’s supply chains with Chinese technology.

Currently, many Chinese vehicles marketed as being produced in Europe are equipped primarily with parts manufactured in China and shipped to the EU for final assembly.

Adolfo Urso, Italy’s Minister of Industry, told the Financial Times:

“If the objective is to establish a technological industrial partnership that can fill the factory, keep it viable, and help protect the supply chain, that is welcome. Provided, of course, that people come to Italy to produce, not merely to assemble.”

While partnerships are common among carmakers, European manufacturers hope to learn how to produce cars faster and more cheaply through Chinese alliances.

In return, Chinese brands want to scale up European manufacturing ahead of strict new local content rules that Brussels plans to enforce in mid-2027, aimed at driving investment into the continent, creating new jobs, and enabling technology and skills transfers.

Under the Industrial Accelerator Act, the EU proposes a 70% local content threshold for car parts to qualify for subsidies or public procurement. Local battery production is also expected to commence in the future.

Major uncertainties remain regarding the extent to which Chinese companies will transfer technological know-how and intellectual property rights, as well as how quickly they will begin utilizing European-sourced components.

In Spain, where the government successfully persuaded Chinese companies such as battery maker CATL, Chery, and SAIC (owner of MG) to set up factories, no guarantees have yet been secured regarding technology transfers or the proportion of local labor and components to be used.

Deep concern prevails across the automotive supply chain, where component manufacturers employ twice as many workers as carmakers.

“Those of us working in the supply chain could be at risk,” said Marco Leone, 62, an employee at a firm manufacturing sheet metal fenders for the Cassino plant.

Similar concerns surround Nissan’s agreement to share production at its Sunderland plant with Chery starting next year.

Sources familiar with the discussions stated that three models would be produced for the Chinese group, which also owns the Jaecoo and Omoda brands.

Ian Henry, an automotive manufacturing expert who leads the consultancy AutoAnalysis, warned: “Suppose that in the first year, the cars are essentially produced from kits originating in China. That is great for workers on the assembly line, but not necessarily as beneficial for employees in Nissan’s press shop, body shop, and paint shop, or for local tier-one suppliers.”

Henry added that Chery would need to rapidly increase its localization rate to export to the EU, but the timeline remains uncertain, and discussions continue over whether UK-produced cars will be included within the “Made in Europe” framework.

A source close to the talks noted that the higher cost of utilizing UK suppliers also presents an obstacle.

Chinese automotive executives stress their commitment to using local supply chains, while acknowledging that the transition will not occur overnight.

Charlie Zhang, executive vice president of Chery International, told the Financial Times:

“Localization is a gradual process; it is measured not by the calendar, but by the maturity of supply chains, cost structures, and our readiness to become part of the local industrial ecosystem.”

Analysts argue that sluggish demand in China and the pressure to boost exports represent the primary obstacles to localization in Europe.

With the government pressing manufacturers to utilize idle capacity, China’s global exports are projected to rise by 41% this year, exceeding 10 million units.

Thomas Besson, head of automotive research at Kepler Cheuvreux, noted: “Because domestic demand in China has fallen well short of expectations, the pressure on Chinese automakers to export is far greater. Despite frequently expressing their intentions, Chinese carmakers have not yet begun producing significant volumes of vehicles in Europe.”

The “Made in Europe” proposals will further drive up car manufacturing costs in Europe, potentially forcing some Chinese producers with smaller sales volumes to forgo European subsidies and continue exporting in the near term.

A senior executive at a Chinese carmaker stated: “If it becomes financially too expensive, we will pay the tariff and continue shipping cars [from China].”

For certain Chinese carmakers like BYD, joint ventures make little strategic sense.

Stella Li, top executive for international operations at BYD, described a joint venture as “impossible,” stating: “I think it is better to manage on our own. Asking for permission is very difficult. We make our decisions in five minutes.”

BYD plans to commence mass production of its vehicles in Hungary by the end of this year. However, the “Made in Europe” proposal has prompted the company to seek a second site in Spain or France before completing its factory in Türkiye as previously announced.

Not all European carmakers are pursuing Chinese partnerships. Some analysts argue that companies operating independently can react faster to market shifts, with no guarantee that Chinese partners will succeed in Europe.

“I believe companies that remain independent retain far greater control,” said JPMorgan analyst Jose Asumendi.

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