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Epstein served as secret diplomatic bridge between Israel and UAE elites, leaked emails reveal

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Jeffrey Epstein played a pivotal role in mentoring United Arab Emirates (UAE) elites and establishing the foundational relationship between Israel and the UAE.

Based on over a decade of private correspondence, the investigative outlet Drop Site has detailed the intimate relationship between Epstein and Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem, the powerful chairman of the Dubai Ports World (DP World) financial empire, who maintains close ties to the UAE’s ruling families.

According to the report, this narrative helps uncover the clandestine background of the Abraham Accords, which were signed a year after Epstein’s death.

DP World plays a significant role in both UAE and Israeli foreign policy. On December 26, 2025, Israel became the first country to recognize the Republic of Somaliland as an independent state. This surprise diplomatic announcement followed months of public campaigning by Dubai’s DP World, one of Somaliland’s most prominent foreign investors.

At a conference in October, the company’s chairman argued for the recognition of Somaliland, highlighting the hundreds of millions of dollars the firm has invested in the Port of Berbera.

The official recognition of Somaliland strengthens the UAE’s logistics hub in Berbera. Meanwhile, Israel is reportedly constructing a military base in the region to protect its maritime interests in the Red Sea from drone and missile attacks launched by the Yemeni resistance.

The strategic move in Somaliland marks a new chapter in the deepening relations between Tel Aviv and Abu Dhabi. Over the final two decades of his life, American financier Jeffrey Epstein served as an informal diplomatic bridge between Israel and the Emirates through Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem, the chairman of DP World and a close friend of the ruler of Dubai.

Epstein showed great interest in DP World, which controls the Jebel Ali Free Zone (JAFZA) in Dubai—a vital logistics hub for trade passing through the Persian Gulf and one of the world’s largest container terminal operators.

JAFZA is the foreign port most frequently visited by the US Navy, and the US maintains more vessels in UAE ports than in any other ports outside the US.

In 2009, after serving his first prison sentence for child prostitution offenses, Epstein boasted of his relationship with the “owner of the Djibouti deep-water port in the Horn of Africa, a smuggler’s paradise.” At the time, the Port of Djibouti was DP World’s largest container terminal in Africa. Epstein claimed his relationship with Sulayem was so close that he was “essentially in charge” of the port.

While Epstein’s comments about the port sounded like hyperbolic boasting, his claim of a close friendship with Sulayem has now been corroborated by emails released by the House Oversight Committee, a US federal court case, and the hacked inbox of former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak.

The conversations reveal that Epstein shared an extraordinarily close bond with Sulayem from at least 2006 until his death in 2019. This timeframe aligns with the dates of the emails obtained from a leaked Yahoo! account.

Epstein was a trusted friend and advisor to Sulayem, but his network appeared to span all levels of the UAE’s ruling class. A journalist who visited Epstein in 2013 noted a photograph displayed in the foyer of his New York mansion showing Epstein alongside Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed, both dressed in beachwear and snorkeling gear.

In early 2006, the UAE leadership felt “humiliated” when US politicians blocked DP World’s acquisition of six major US ports, turning the proposal into a massive national security scandal.

After the company was forced to withdraw, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, then the Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi, vowed that the country would never be caught off guard in Washington again.

Following the scandal, as DP World withdrew from its US operations, Sultan Ahmed bin Sulayem emailed Jeffrey Epstein to arrange a meeting in New York in November 2006. Epstein looked forward to the meeting, urging Sulayem to “come sooner.” The following year, Sulayem was appointed chairman of DP World to lead the company’s international expansion and stabilize its relations with Washington.

Beyond business, Epstein and Sulayem shared a close personal relationship. In November 2007, a few months after Epstein was charged with sexual abuse in Florida, he told Sulayem he had heard a “funny story” from a woman they both knew. Sulayem replied: “Yes, after several attempts over a few months, we managed to meet in New York. There is a misunderstanding; she wanted a JOB! I just WANTED A WOMAN!” Epstein responded: “Thank God there are still people like you.”

In early 2007, while advising on DP World’s anticipated initial public offering (IPO), Epstein reviewed unpublished English translations of a book written by Dubai’s ruler, Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, which Sulayem had sent to him. Epstein provided feedback on the translation to ensure the book would be better received abroad.

The pair remained in regular contact, discussing business strategies, organizing meetings with high-level business and political leaders, and arranging vacations at Epstein’s private island, Little St. James.

Following an enjoyable trip together in March 2007, Epstein wrote to Sulayem:

“I hope you had fun; I am happy to count you as a friend. You are the only person I’ve met who is as crazy as I am.”

After Epstein’s death, the Miami Herald discovered that the neighboring island, Great St. James, had been purchased in 2016 in Sulayem’s name. An aide to Sulayem told the newspaper that he had not given Epstein permission to use his name on the property deed. The island was later sold to a private investment firm.

Following Epstein’s return to public life in 2010, a second set of emails from Ehud Barak’s hacked inbox shows that the relationship between Epstein and Sulayem continued to flourish as Epstein launched a concerted effort to strengthen ties between elites in Israel and the UAE.

In the mid-2010s, Epstein arranged several meetings between Barak and Sulayem, presenting them as an opportunity for Barak to get closer to the ruler of Dubai and promote Israel’s diplomatic and security interests abroad. On June 18, 2013, Epstein wrote to Barak: “I think you should meet. He is Maktoum’s right hand.”

The relationship brokered by Epstein continued to evolve. On August 5, 2018, Sulayem sent Epstein an email regarding Carbyne, an Israeli cybersecurity company funded by Epstein and chaired by Barak. The technology allows emergency responders and security services to receive precise location data and live video/audio streams from phones.

In his message to Epstein and Barak, Sulayem informed the financier that he planned to invest in the company and had discussed with Carbyne’s founder, Amir Elichai, how the technology could be used for “Dubai 911” and personnel security at ports operated by DP World.

Epstein forwarded an email from Elichai, a senior member of Israel’s Unit 8200 signal intelligence unit, suggesting Sulayem’s participation in Carbyne’s Series B funding round that year. Peter Thiel also invested in the round after meeting with Epstein and Barak.

While Epstein helped Barak establish relationships with high-level security officials in Mongolia, he also introduced Barak and Elichai to one of Thiel’s venture capital funds. These discussions culminated in a formal security agreement between Israel and Mongolia in 2017, which included the integration of Carbyne into Mongolian emergency services.

Drop Site could not confirm whether Carbyne was ultimately utilized in Dubai or in DP World-linked port operations. However, subsequent public reports indicate that UAE investors became rapidly involved with Carbyne following the normalization of relations under the 2020 Abraham Accords.

In 2009, Epstein introduced Sulayem to his friend Jes Staley, then the CEO of JPMorgan. The goal was to strengthen JPMorgan’s position in the Persian Gulf, where the royal family had long preferred Swiss banks.

Middle East

Iran to receive hundreds of Chinese shoulder-fired missiles within weeks, sources say

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Iran is expected to receive its first shipment of 400 Chinese-made shoulder-fired air defense missile systems within weeks as it seeks to rebuild its air defenses amid an ongoing war with the US.

Three sources with knowledge of the agreement disclosed the information to Reuters.

Valued at between $60 million and $70 million, the purchase represents one of Tehran’s largest known efforts to bolster its short-range air defense capabilities since the outbreak of hostilities with the US and Israel.

According to the sources, the contract covers between 300 and 400 man-portable air defense systems, or MANPADS, including Chinese-made QW-12 and FN-16 missiles.

The deal was signed with Hong Kong-based Zhongqing Baoshang International Investment, which reportedly acted as an intermediary between the Iranian side and the Chinese supplier.

Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has not yet responded to a request for comment from Reuters regarding the information provided by the sources, who spoke on condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the matter.

China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued the following statement:

“The relevant reports are completely baseless. China has consistently played a role in promoting peace and bringing an end to the conflict.”

Beijing-based Zhong Qing Bao Shang Group, the parent company of Zhongqing Baoshang International Investment, did not immediately respond to a request for comment sent on Tuesday.

Iran needs to rearm following months of conflict during which the US and Israel struck facilities tied to its missile, drone, and air defense programs. Tehran responded to those attacks with salvos of ballistic missiles and drones.

The fighting demonstrated the difficulty of defending static military and strategic installations against advanced fighter jets and precision-guided munitions.

Washington abruptly halted its two-week bombing campaign on Saturday. However, US President Donald Trump said attacks would resume if negotiations aimed at ending the five-month war—which has theoretically been under a ceasefire since April—fail.

The delivery of hundreds of MANPADS systems would significantly expand Iran’s inventory of short-range air defense weapons.

However, the sources cautioned that while the agreement has been signed, the delivery schedule, quantities, and other operational details remain subject to change.

Under the plan agreed upon by the parties, initial deliveries will be transported by air from the western Chinese city of Urumqi before being routed through Pakistan to Iran. The sources did not clarify whether transport following the transit through Pakistan would occur by air or land.

The Pakistani military’s public relations wing, ISPR, said in a statement:

“Allegations that Pakistan is playing a role in the supply of air defense weapons from China to Iran are completely fabricated and contrary to fact.”

Two Western intelligence sources and an Iranian official said Tehran is also exploring the option of using overland routes to transport Chinese-made military equipment and dual-use components more covertly, reducing the risk of shipments being intercepted.

The procurement process underscores how the Islamic Republic of Iran continues to rely on a combination of domestic arms production and foreign suppliers, despite years of sanctions and defense import restrictions.

Reuters previously reported, citing individuals familiar with the discussions, that Iran was close to concluding a separate deal to purchase anti-ship cruise missiles from China. Reuters was unable to confirm whether that agreement was finalized.

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Saudi crude exports from Yanbu plunge 40% as Yemeni strikes force reliance on costlier routes

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Crude oil shipments from Saudi Arabia’s Yanbu Port on the Red Sea coast have dropped by 40% over the past few days.

According to data published on July 26 by maritime intelligence firm Vortexa, the Riyadh administration has begun utilizing the SUMED pipeline in Egypt and alternative transit routes in an effort to bypass the naval blockade declared by forces aligned with Sanaa.

The sharp decline in shipment volumes follows retaliatory operations and the enforcement of a maritime blockade against Saudi Arabia by the Yemeni Armed Forces, operating under the Ansarallah movement.

Riyadh has maintained military strikes and blockade measures against Yemen for nearly 12 years.

A Sunday report by maritime intelligence firm Windward, drawing on Vortexa data, noted that Saudi Arabia has established a new logistical framework to maintain its export flows. “Saudi Arabia has created an alternative export route functioning via the SUMED pipeline and the Cape of Good Hope,” the report stated. The agency reported that this shift has driven up transportation costs by approximately $9 per barrel.

The market analysis report provided the following assessment regarding the operational mechanics of the transition:

“Saudi crude shipments have not stopped; they have been split into two distinct routes. Tankers berthing at Yanbu Port are now operating with their AIS signals completely turned off. Vessels are concealing their locations to avoid inclusion on Ansarallah’s target list. Saudi Arabia has established an alternative export route operating via the SUMED pipeline and the Cape of Good Hope. Although this route increases costs and transit times, it demonstrates that the market is capable of adapting to changing conditions.”

Saudi Arabia previously activated a similar alternative route via Yanbu during the initial phase of the US-Israel war, following Iran’s first blockade measures directed at the Strait of Hormuz.

At the time of the Windward report’s release, satellite imagery published by SoarAtlas revealed the ongoing situation at Saudi Aramco’s Jizan Oil Refinery. Massive fires triggered by attacks carried out by the Yemeni Armed Forces were shown to be persisting at the $12 billion facility. Images captured on Saturday documented dense black smoke continuing to billow from a giant oil storage tank at the site.

The Yemeni Armed Forces publicly announced their latest military operations against Saudi Arabia on July 25. They stated that the strikes were executed in response to the Saudi-led coalition resuming aerial bombardments against the Yemeni port city of Hodeidah.

An official statement issued by the Yemeni military under the Ansarallah-led administration provided the following details:

“In response to this overt and criminal aggression, the Yemeni Armed Forces carried out two specialized military operations. In the first operation, sensitive Saudi Aramco facilities in Jizan were targeted with dozens of ballistic missiles and drones. In the second operation, sensitive Saudi Aramco facilities in Yanbu were struck using ballistic and cruise missiles alongside unmanned aerial vehicles.”

Spokespersons for the Yemeni military emphasized that the strikes were “precise” and “direct,” while residents in the city of Yanbu were reported to have heard explosions over the weekend. In the early hours of Saturday, Saudi airstrikes had targeted fuel storage facilities and telecommunications infrastructure in Hodeidah.

Mahdi al-Mashat, President of the Ansarallah Supreme Political Council, issued a warning to the Saudi Arabian leadership in a statement on July 27. “We say to the Saudi enemy that those offering you false hopes will be of no avail. Anything short of an end to the aggression and the complete lifting of the blockade is mere fantasy,” al-Mashat said.

In line with their naval blockade decision, the Yemeni Armed Forces have also targeted two Saudi oil tankers with missiles in recent days. The Sanaa administration officially initiated its maritime restrictions on July 20 under the stated principle of “a blockade for a blockade.”

This latest phase of heightened tension began in early July when Saudi Arabia launched an airstrike targeting Sanaa International Airport for the first time after a prolonged hiatus. Yemeni forces responded by striking Abha Airport in Saudi Arabia with missiles and drones. The attack marked the Yemeni military’s first direct retaliatory strike inside Saudi territory since 2021.

The Saudi-led coalition initially intervened in Yemen in 2015 after Ansarallah took control of the capital, Sanaa, and ousted the Riyadh-backed government. The United Arab Emirates joined as a principal coalition partner, while the UK, the US, and Israel provided logistical support.

During peace negotiations conducted between Saudi Arabia and Yemen in 2023, the parties came close to a final agreement before talks stalled. Nevertheless, those contacts effectively served to freeze large-scale combat operations for an extended period.

The air and sea blockade enforced by Saudi Arabia for over a decade has deepened the humanitarian crisis, particularly due to commercial flight restrictions imposed on Sanaa International Airport. These measures have prevented critically ill and injured civilians from traveling abroad for medical treatment, while the coalition’s military intervention has driven widespread famine and resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people. Prior to Riyadh’s latest airstrikes, Yemeni forces had been conducting a general mobilization aimed at expelling coalition elements from the country.

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Pentagon faces severe budget crunch as Middle East operational costs drain key military funds

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The US Department of Defense is facing a severe budgetary shortfall driven by the escalation of the war with Iran, according to current and former American officials cited by The Washington Post.

Officials noted that funding for several critical areas could be completely exhausted in the coming weeks. Budgets allocated for this year’s operations of the Navy and Air Force, which have deployed warships and aviation assets to the Middle East, are projected to run out by the end of July.

To cover the funding deficit expected before the start of fiscal year 2027 on October 1, the Pentagon is internally redirecting its budgetary resources. Under this approach, military exercises and training sessions designed to maintain troop combat readiness are being scaled back or canceled. Additionally, funds originally allocated for the maintenance and repair of military equipment and facilities are being transferred to operational expenses.

In recent weeks, the Department of Defense requested permission from Congress to shift $4.3 billion—initially allocated for personnel training and weapons procurement—to cover emergency requirements. However, no decision has yet been made regarding this request.

The White House has also requested that Congress allocate $67 billion in emergency supplemental funding to cover military expenditures. Despite this, the House of Representatives plans to begin a one-month recess on Thursday, which will delay any decision on the funding for at least several weeks.

“Everyone needs to look at this situation and shake off the complacency,” said Representative Pat Harrigan, a Republican from North Carolina, commenting on the development.

Pentagon Spokesperson Sean Parnell emphasized the critical importance of defense funding, stating that Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth will do everything necessary to maintain the combat readiness of the armed forces.

Secretary Hegseth and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Dan Caine, are scheduled to present the justification for the funding allocation at an upcoming hearing before the Senate Appropriations Committee. Russell Vought, the Director of the White House Office of Management and Budget, is also among those scheduled to testify before the committee.

Vought stated last month that the cost of the war had reached approximately $30 billion. However, this White House calculation did not include the cost of rebuilding and repairing US bases damaged as a result of Iranian attacks in the Middle East.

Current and former officials warn that if Congress fails to act, military leadership will soon be forced to make even deeper compromises.

In closed-door discussions, Pentagon officials are expressing more profound anxieties. They emphasize that supplemental funding is urgently required to replenish munitions stockpiles, which are vital for deterring adversaries such as Russia and China.

The US defense budget for this year stands at approximately $1 trillion. This figure includes $150 billion in one-time funding approved by Congress last year for various priority goals, ranging from designing advanced weapons systems to stimulating the domestic defense industry. Meanwhile, the Donald Trump administration has requested a $1.5 trillion defense budget for 2027.

Internal Pentagon assessments indicate that when accounting for base repairs, the replacement of destroyed aircraft, and the replenishment of munitions stockpiles, the total cost of the Iran war could rise to between $80 billion and $100 billion, according to reporting by NBC. Sources state that the repair costs for US military facilities in Bahrain alone could reach $1 billion.

Senators are expected to question Hegseth on the collapse of the ceasefire, rising war costs, and the American service members who lost their lives in Jordan, Bloomberg reported.

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