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India-Pakistan Attacks: A Traditional and Limited Military Posturing Game

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On May 7, while the world focused on the Trump administration’s launch of a trade war, a brief but intense military clash broke out between India and Pakistan on the South Asian subcontinent. That day, the Pakistani military announced it had shot down five Indian fighter jets, destroyed multiple Indian checkpoints, and hit several Indian outposts. India also confirmed that at least three of its jets had “crashed” in Indian-controlled Kashmir.

On May 8, the Pakistani military claimed it had shot down 25 Israeli-made “Harpy” drones and accused India of further “escalating the conflict.” Pakistan’s Ministry of Information said about 50 Indian soldiers were killed near the India-Pakistan Line of Control in Kashmir. On the same day, India accused Pakistan of using drones and missiles to attack Punjab in Indian-controlled Kashmir. In response, the Indian military launched counterattacks and destroyed several targets.

Pakistani Foreign Minister Dar confirmed that after the exchange of fire in the Kashmir region, the national security advisors of both countries had communicated. On the evening of May 8, Indian Foreign Secretary Vijay Gokhale emphasized to the media that India’s launched “Operation Sindoor” did not target specific military sites, only terrorist facilities in Pakistan and locations clearly linked to cross-border attacks against India. He also stated that India had no intention of escalating the situation. Another positive sign was the reopening of three sluice gates of two upstream hydropower stations on the Chenab River that had been closed by India, which restored water supply to downstream Pakistan.

Observers noted that although military engagement had not completely ceased, the intensity of the exchanges was clearly decreasing. Moreover, India kept sending de-escalation signals. Therefore, this limited conflict between two nuclear powers is expected to gradually end and is unlikely to develop into a fourth Indo-Pakistani war. Analysts pointed out that the traditional India-Pakistan conflict remains unresolved. This round of military posturing triggered by India, apart from serving domestic political agendas, can only exacerbate tensions in South Asia and does not help rebuild neighborly relations or realize India’s dream of becoming a major power.

The India-Pakistan conflict once again escalated from a seemingly minor incident. To some extent, India exaggerated the situation, turning a terrorist attack into the largest air battle between the two South Asian powers in nearly half a century.

On April 22, a terrorist attack occurred in Pahalgam, Indian-controlled Kashmir. Three gunmen went on a rampage, killing 26 civilians. Without conducting a full investigation, the Indian government immediately concluded it was a “Pakistan-sponsored terrorism” incident and declared a series of strong retaliatory measures. Subsequently, India expelled Pakistani diplomats, canceled the bilateral trade agreement, and even cut off water supplies critical for Pakistan’s agriculture and daily life. India’s simplistic and aggressive approach clearly aimed to pin the blame on Pakistan without debate, placing itself in a favorable position in public discourse and paving the way for further actions.

On April 29, Indian Prime Minister Modi, ignoring Pakistan’s repeated denials and calls for an impartial international investigation, publicly authorized the Indian armed forces to respond decisively to the terrorist attack. He claimed that the Indian military had “full operational freedom” to decide on any military response in terms of method, target, and timing. In the face of India’s aggressive stance, Pakistan refused to back down and raised its own level of readiness, even threatening to use nuclear weapons.

In the early hours of May 7, the Indian military launched the first strike of the border clash code-named “Operation Sindoor” bombing multiple targets within Pakistan. India’s press bureau confirmed nine Pakistani targets were hit. Pakistan’s Dawn newspaper reported airstrikes on five cities including Muzaffarabad (capital of Pakistan-controlled Kashmir) and Bahawalpur in Punjab province, with power outages in some cities. Pakistan’s military intelligence reported that multiple regions were hit by Indian missile attacks and its air force had entered full wartime status. Soon after, Pakistan’s national TV quoted military sources saying Pakistan had started retaliation, launching missiles at Indian border camps, outposts, and airbases, and shooting down five Indian fighter jets. As of the early hours of May 8, Pakistan reported 31 deaths and 57 injuries.

According to U.S. media, both sides deployed jets in an unprecedented aerial battle within their own airspace, involving 125 aircraft, with the furthest fire range exceeding 165 km. It was later confirmed that the Indian aircraft shot down by Pakistan included three French-made Rafale fighters, one Russian-made MiG-29, one Su-30MKI, and one Heron drone.

The Rafale is India’s most advanced main fighter, roughly 3.5 generations. Some military enthusiasts believe the Pakistani jets likely involved in the kills were JF-17s equipped with PL-15E air-to-air missiles and LY-80 air defense systems. The Pakistani Air Force now operates over 150 JF-17s, and the PL-15E has a range of up to 145 km. The outcome of this military confrontation shows that, despite being at a general disadvantage, Pakistan achieved high-level results in air combat, gaining the upper hand over India in terms of morale.

Although both sides fought fiercely and India did not gain any advantage—in fact, it even suffered some losses—this local conflict initiated by India seems to have reached a turning point as India was the first to show weakness.

First, the Indian Air Force, which launched the air raids, did not dare to enter Pakistani territory, and Pakistan, with a sense of restraint, also ordered its air force to avoid entering Indian airspace.

Second, India took the initiative to inform Russia, the UK, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and the US about the details of “Operation Sindoor”. This not only appeared to be an attempt to form alliances but also showed a desire for mediation and an intention to end things while ahead.

Third, despite multiple aircraft being shot down, India was the first to “blink” and show goodwill, emphasizing to other countries that it had “no intention of escalating” the current situation and was prepared to respond firmly only if Pakistan chose to escalate.

The sudden India-Pakistan conflict added a new wave of anxiety to an already chaotic world, momentarily diverting attention from ongoing hotspots like the U.S. tariff war, the Red Sea crisis, the Israel-Palestine conflict, the Iran nuclear issue, and the Russia-Ukraine war. China, the United Nations, the EU, and other countries and international organizations called on both sides to exercise restraint and avoid escalation or expansion of the conflict. Iran and Turkey actively engaged in mediation, while the U.S. government, which usually supports India, maintained an ambiguous stance this time. President Trump expressed confidence that both sides could properly handle the crisis on their own.

This conflict has most likely already passed its peak and is expected to shift toward lower-intensity confrontations or even non-military strategies. However, India’s overreaction, which triggered a major clash, raises questions and deserves analysis.

First, the Pahalgam terror attack carries suspicions of being staged. After the attack, Indian media claimed that the “Resistance Front,” a peripheral group of the Muslim militant organization “Lashkar-e-Taiba” active in Indian-controlled Kashmir, claimed responsibility. Indian security agencies accused several attackers of coming from Pakistan. However, a few days later, the “Resistance Front” officially denied any involvement, stating that the earlier “claim” was fabricated by Indian cyber intelligence through hacking. Pakistani officials accused Indian intelligence of once again “staging” the attack, aiming to tarnish Pakistan’s international image and serve a Hindu fundamentalist political agenda at home.
On May 1, the messaging app Telegram revealed that India’s intelligence agency had orchestrated the attack and framed Pakistan, with the leak attributed to Lieutenant General Rana, head of India’s intelligence service. Rana was later mysteriously dismissed.

Second, India’s refusal to accept the joint investigation proposal is unreasonable. After the Pahalgam attack, Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz called for a credible, transparent, and neutral international investigation. India not only firmly rejected this but quickly took a series of retaliatory measures, unilaterally placing the blame on Pakistan. Analysts believe this abnormal behavior indicates India’s intent to obscure the truth and facts in order to justify military actions.

Third, Pakistan currently has nothing to gain from escalating tensions. South Asia experts believe that Pakistan’s political situation has gradually stabilized this year, though its economy remains in difficulty and security has not fundamentally improved. Actively provoking a large-scale military conflict with India would entail enormous risks, so Pakistan has adopted a defensive posture and is unlikely to attack India by sponsoring terrorism.

Fourth, India has a domestic political need to act aggressively against Pakistan. Analysts point out that Modi has consistently promoted Hindu nationalism and marginalized the Muslim population. His political legitimacy relies on the growing influence of Hindu nationalist ideology, which in turn creates a dependency and entanglement between the two. Terror attacks from Pakistani or Muslim backgrounds and strong retaliatory measures reinforce Modi’s nationalistic and religious narrative.

Fifth, India has taken the opportunity to further advance the “Indianization” of the Kashmir region.
After Modi’s re-election in 2019, his government strengthened central control and the “Indianization” process over Indian-controlled Kashmir by stripping it of its special autonomous status, dissolving its legislative assembly, and changing it from an autonomous state to a centrally governed territory. This further suppressed the national and religious identity of the local Muslim population, complicated prospects for resolving the Kashmir issue, and incited the rise of radical, extremist, and even terrorist forces. The Modi government even attempted to legitimize the annexation of Kashmir to the international community by holding a G20 ministerial meeting in Indian-controlled Kashmir.

India and Pakistan have sharply opposing views on the status of Kashmir. India insists that Kashmir is an inseparable part of its inherent territory, while Pakistan stresses that the future of Kashmir should be decided by its people through a referendum based on relevant UN resolutions. This divergence in stance has led to subtle differences in how the two sides shape public opinion and also explains the frequent terrorist attacks in Indian-controlled Kashmir. Modi’s government, by forcefully “Indianizing” Kashmir six years ago, has undoubtedly intensified the existing conflict. It has consistently rejected Pakistan’s proposals for territorial negotiations, instead demanding that Pakistan first address terrorism before any talks on territorial disputes. In doing so, India unilaterally sets the agenda for improving bilateral relations while forcing Pakistan to take responsibility for terrorist attacks unrelated to it—pushing the peaceful resolution of the Kashmir issue into a dead end.

This round of India-Pakistan conflict, due to their nuclear power status, complex geopolitical context, and fragile internal politics, is unlikely to escalate into a fourth large-scale war. Rather, it has followed the familiar narrative logic and storyline seen in the past. However, through this incident, observers can clearly see that under the Modi administration, India has indeed made significant progress in economic development. Its comprehensive national strength and geopolitical weight have far surpassed Pakistan’s. Furthermore, China, the U.S., Russia, the EU, and even Japan are all competing to win India over in complex geopolitical games, fueling Modi’s sense of superiority to an unprecedented level. This has led India to drift further into the illusion of the “Indian Dream” and the pursuit of great power status, even to the point of losing touch with reality.

A powerful India has not only become “naturally aggressive” toward Pakistan but has also adopted a rigid and confrontational posture in its relations with China. Rather than showing gratitude for China’s support in India’s inclusion in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, India has continuously obstructed China within the organization and in BRICS, manipulating the Kashmir issue through the G20 and even openly competing for leadership among the Global South—bringing India back to the early days of the Non-Aligned Movement after WWII.

In fact, India remains a major South Asian power, a subregional power. Its blind confidence, arrogance, and narcissistic pursuit of a power status beyond its actual capabilities may prove counterproductive. This rash provocation of a rare conflict with Pakistan—and the humiliating defeat in the air battle—might hopefully awaken the Modi government from its self-induced great power fantasy, prompting a return to more realistic foreign and strategic policies, and the adoption of power strategies and goals that match India’s true national strength and position.

Prof. Ma is the Dean of the Institute of Mediterranean Studies (ISMR) at Zhejiang International Studies University in Hangzhou. He specializes in international politics, particularly Islam and Middle Eastern affairs. He previously worked as a senior Xinhua correspondent in Kuwait, Palestine, and Iraq.

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Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

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The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

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What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

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By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

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The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

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In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

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