Connect with us

Opinion

The impotent and the potent

Avatar photo

Published

on

Deripaska, the founder of Rusal, published a commentary in the RBK on December 30, pouring out the big bourgeoisie’s plans to get Russia out of difficulties. According to Deripaska, to overcome the obstacles before Russia’s development, these are the must-do’s: Staying in the market economy in the age of change, “rejecting the delusions of the sinister state capitalism,” and “removing the visible or quiet bans” on “businesspeople” taking part in the government.

“Deripaska’s manifesto”

While it’s essential to break down each of the points in this neoliberal manifesto on its own, the truth is that nothing here is genuinely novel. Deripaska had already announced his program on April 8: Abandoning “state capitalism,” adopting a “market economy,” and calling an end to the Ukrainian campaign. Then, realizing that the Kremlin might get enraged over the Ukraine situation, and this time it would not be limited to being publicly shamed over a ballpoint pen and a collective bargaining agreement, he removed the message. On April 17, a revised version of the program, which deliberately made no mention of Ukraine, was issued: It is needed to “find new markets,” “deal with exports,” and establish a new “beginning point”; in this way, “we can create a strong economy in 10 years”. At the time, Nezavisimaya Gazeta, another regardable journal of the liberal bourgeoisie, covered this program under the heading “Deripaska’s manifesto” (and with absolute enthusiasm. Please see the following sentence: “Deripaska’s manifesto is a collection of extremely serious theses, proposals, and recommendations”).

Let’s have a look at the details of the April manifesto:

The end objective is to eliminate state capitalism. The reason is that “history has revealed that only under the circumstances of a free-market economy and with the importance of private property, it is feasible to achieve a high and steady rate of economic growth that ensures a balanced development and rise in incomes for the entire community.”

It’s incredible, isn’t it? It’s great to be able to quote these words as if they were verses from the Bible in a nation that owes achieving the world’s highest pace of industrialization to socialism.

If so, large it! If competition is sacred, all obstacles before foreign capital should be eliminated, free zones must be created to entice foreign capital, all state-owned businesses must be privatized, and assets held by pension funds must be transferred immediately. There must be no restrictions on moving money out of Russia. It’s necessary to reduce state expenditures at all levels. Not only at the national level, federal, regional, and local levels, including the Central Bank and state monopolies, as well as law enforcement and civil servants. The state instrument should be slashed in half; law enforcement that is “unrelated to the military” should be decreased by three or four times (it takes courage to call for lower military spending while the Ukraine crisis persists, and Navalny is the only one who has shown that). From Gaydar to Nemtsov, Ryzhkov to Navalny, this has been the common dream of all liberal prophets in Russia. At the same time, Deripaska called for an amnesty for all “businesspeople” convicted under Articles 159 and 160 of the Penal Code, as well as a release from the “aggressive pressure of law enforcement officials who dismissed them.” Fraud, credit card fraud, check fraud, electronic payment fraud, insurance fraud, data theft, extortion, and embezzlement are all covered in these articles and clauses. Deripaska’s class solidarity is a trait that should be admired and even followed as an example. Not enough, he demanded that the government and the Central Bank utilize all sources at their disposal to get out of the current crisis. He warned that escaping this crisis would be possible in commensurate with “the strength of the entrepreneurs.” Calls for the welfare state were sprinkled in the manifesto as well. For example, he wanted local governments to build homes and federal district banks to put more money into regional projects. Perhaps most importantly, he advocated for the state to finance small and medium-sized private businesses. However, these enterprises he deemed available for funding would be limited to spare part manufacturers; he favored allowing the middle bourgeoisie to rise only in intermediate goods production. Deripaska’s hopes were limitless as well as his hopes. He demanded to end “the senseless compensation of state capitalism for more than 14 years”. “Either the employment of ordinary, normal citizens who always pay their taxes regularly will be retained, or the state bourgeoisie will continue to be pampered,” Deripaska concluded his manifesto.

Deripaska’s goals are thus:

1) Wiping out all state-owned monopolies and complete privatization.

2) The middle bourgeoisie engaging solely in producing intermediary goods.

3) The “downsizing” of the government.

4) Eliminate any regulatory and legal obstacles to foreign capital, such as inquiries into the motivations of their investments in Russia and the threat of an investigation into offshore accounts.

5). A blanket pardon for the bourgeoisie, who has been convicted of bribery, embezzlement, corruption, fraud, etc.

It seems like he’s gearing up for an all-out confrontation with the Kremlin. However, that’s not the case. The big bourgeoisie is shrewd. Before publishing her manifesto, Deripaska had also argued with Lyubov Sokol, and her former silent partner had come out against this indomitable preacher of the liberal bourgeoisie, calling her an “idle parasite,” “debauched,” “racketeer,” and “jackal.” Deripaska went as far as accusing her, the most rightist woman imaginable, of being a “radical leftist.” This was the case. Sokol urged Deripaska and the other representatives of the big bourgeoisie to rise up against the Kremlin. This call terrified him so much that Deripaska wanted to guarantee that he would never do such a thing with phrases ostensibly targeting Sokol: “Don’t be afraid, I’m not keen on becoming a chef.”

The sole difference between Deripaska’s April and December manifestos is that in the latter, he enthusiastically argued that there is discrimination against entrepreneurs and demanded equality: “As long as free and private entrepreneurs enjoy equal rights with all other social groups (artists, patriotic journalists, athletes, siloviki, representatives of law enforcement, veterans), [these free entrepreneurs] along with the dismissed intelligentsia remain as ‘the impotent.’ But it is up only to entrepreneurs to bring about significant change quickly.”

Not freedom but prison

The term “slaboviki,” which I translated as “the impotent,” is a significant notion. Referring to the Medvedev fraction, the slaboviki is placed against the siloviki. The latter comes from the word “strong,” whereas the former is derived from the word “weak.” Siloviki means “employees of the force instruments to whom the state has delegated its monopoly of legal violence.” Therefore, it sounds Marxist since it refers to the state’s repressive mechanisms. In political contexts, however, the meaning narrows down: Siloviki refers not to all of the employees of these instruments but rather to their leaders, their representatives in power. Regarding slaboviki, before digging down to its meaning, I should quote a single sentence from a column that’s just as valuable as the definition itself. This is from an article regarding the situation before the Georgian war published on January 18, 2019, in Novaya Gazeta, the most “respectable” and militant mouthpiece of the big bourgeoisie and the advocates of liberal reforms (now fully declassified), former middle bourgeoisie:

“Medvedev’s slabovikis were wandering the Kremlin corridors; talks about modernization had begun.”

The slaboviki, then, included the following groups: The faction of the power bloc that Medvedev represented, the fraction against siloviki, the weak wing of power in the face of the siloviki; the proponents of “modernization,” or those who support Russia’s immediate integration with the imperialist world.

Obviously, liberal and slaboviki are linked ideas.

Saltykov-Schedrin wrote a story called “Liberal” which I translated into Turkish (in “Bilge Kayabalığı”; Helikopter, Istanbul: 2013). The liberal in Russia, and by extension all liberals, is portrayed as a man who abandoned his ideals altogether and “adapted them to life.” And how stunningly he depicts! The liberal’s ideal was not freedom anymore but a prison. He has buried his old ideas in the dirt, but he still hopes that the sun will rise tomorrow, and the muck will dry off of him.

Suddenly, he felt as if a drizzle had just hit his face. Whence did it come? What gives? The liberal looked up: “Is it raining?” However, he saw that the sky was completely clear, with the sun crazily hovering over the peaks. The wind was blowing, though, but yet there was no sign of water dripping from a window; there was no such thing.

“It’s a miracle!” said the liberal to his friend. “Not a drop falls, no puddles, yet something tickles my face.”

“But look, there’s a guy lurking in the corner,” replied his friend, “That’s his job. Due to your liberal affairs, he desired to spit in your face, but he didn’t venture into doing it. Here, in the context of ‘adapting to the life,’ he spitted out of the corner, and the wind blows his spit right to you.”

That liberal is slaboviki.

Theory and practice

I gave that a lot of thought. The adopted policy is the limitation of the political power of the big bourgeoisie and its economic power to the extent that it bolsters the political power and the replacement of the middle bourgeoisie, which has been declassed since February 24, with a new middle class that will be the stable mass base of the Kremlin. This policy can only be implemented with unstated NEP measures, leading to leftist backing.

The most crucial distinction between the big and middle bourgeoisie must not be overlooked. The big bourgeoisie can invest significant fixed capital and get adequate financing from the financial oligarchy of which it is generally a part. Thus, to maximize profits, it does not need to resort to primitive solutions like extending the workday or slashing social programs. (“Unnecessity” is a factual situation, but impulses, not needs, drive free-market capitalism.) When compared to the big bourgeoisie integrated with the financial oligarchy, the middle bourgeoisie is unable to make big investments in fixed capital or locate suitable credit opportunities like the bourgeoisie incorporated with the financial oligarchy. That fact leaves them with no choice but to resort to primitive methods like extending the working day and reducing social rights to increase profits.

The big bourgeoisie may, thus, inflame or quickly defuse the conflict with the working class it employs, but the struggle between the proletariat and the middle bourgeoisie only grows. This is the norm everywhere. This is precisely why the big bourgeoisie uses what is called “people’s capitalism” (of the kind that Potanin preached a few months ago) as one of the ideological means to gain the working people over the middle bourgeoisie. This “uselessness” situation facilitates the neutral position of the working class in the conflict between the big bourgeoisie with the middle bourgeoisie.

The bourgeoisie is generally impotent since they seldom claim for the government and almost always demand the state to protect its relative autonomy. In general, their political representatives usually rule on behalf of the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie, both big and middle, want a “neutral” state. On the other hand, the monopoly bourgeoisie only favors a neutral state since its members are in a mortal conflict with one another and, therefore, have lesser shared interests against their enemies. But when it is united vis-à-vis a more significant threat and starts a struggle as a bloc against its common enemy by sidelining its internal conflict, it recalls that it is “crème de la crème.” Now it is less numbered to rule directly, but politically influential, economically robust, and enormously homogenous. The working masses are often seen as the only possible common opponent for the big bourgeoisie, but this view reduces the scope of the class conflict. The struggle, even the struggle for life and death, need not necessarily be monolithically between the bourgeoisie and the working class. Moreover, the dominant aspect of class struggle under capitalism is rather often the struggle of the bourgeoisie within itself.

Thus, Deripaska’s hubris to demand the de facto transfer of the state to the “businesspeople” stems not only from his relations with the ruling circles but also, and primarily, from these two reasons: 1) A new kind of NEP conflicts with the interests of the big bourgeoisie and that makes them unite against the common enemy (the rising middle bourgeoisie) and its political representatives. 2) Since resorting to the “basic” (not referring to “primitive,” “rudimentary,” or “extinct,” but to the most animalistic impulses that never go away) methods of capitalism is “unnecessary,” the working class can remain neutral in this conflict.

Opinion

Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

Avatar photo

Published

on

The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

Continue Reading

Opinion

What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

Avatar photo

Published

on

By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

Continue Reading

Opinion

The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

Avatar photo

Published

on

In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

Continue Reading

MOST READ

Turkey