Opinion
The UN Security Council’s Gaza plan and US-China cooperation in the Middle East
On November 17, the UN Security Council reached a rare consensus and adopted Resolution 2803, a comprehensive governance plan for the Gaza Strip proposed by the United States. Through the full implementation of the “Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict” (Trump’s 20-Point Plan) put forward by the Trump administration, the aim is to maintain the ceasefire in Gaza, restore humanitarian aid, promote reconstruction and economic recovery in Gaza, and lay the foundation for restarting the “two-state solution.” Since neither China nor Russia voted against it, this marks a very rare moment in the more than two years since the outbreak of the “Sixth Middle East War,” with all five permanent members of the UN Security Council maintaining a unified stance. It is expected to help shape a new pattern in Israeli-Palestinian relations, bring new hope for Middle East peace, highlight the United States’ strong geopolitical shaping capability, and reflect China’s rapidly evolving policy adjustment and strategic approach to Middle Eastern hotspot issues.
When draft Resolution 2803 (with the Trump 20-Point Plan as an annex) was submitted for a vote among the 15 Security Council members, it received 13 votes in favor, with China and Russia abstaining, allowing it to pass and become a document representing the highest will of the international community, carrying irresistible legal force and binding obligations on all UN member states. This bridges the long-standing divisions and confrontations in the Security Council over the Gaza conflict and the Russia-Ukraine conflict over the past two to three years, demonstrating the flexibility and appropriate compromise of major powers—particularly China and Russia—when addressing Middle East crises.
Resolution 2803 stipulates the establishment of a Peace Board (Board of Peace, BP), an entity with international legal status, as a transitional administrative body to supervise the Palestinian Authority (PA) in completing its reform plan, ensuring that it can safely and effectively regain control of Gaza and create conditions for Palestinian self-determination and statehood.
The resolution authorizes the creation of an International Stabilization Force (ISF), which, under the unified command of the Peace Board and in cooperation with Israel, Egypt, and newly trained Palestinian police forces, will ensure border security, dismantle military and attack facilities, promote demilitarization, protect civilians, and secure humanitarian aid corridors. Funding will come from voluntary contributions and a dedicated trust fund, with the World Bank and other financial institutions participating in reconstruction financing. The operations of the Peace Board and the Stabilization Force will be subject to international oversight, with progress reports submitted to the Security Council every six months. The mandate is valid until the end of 2027. Countries participating in the Stabilization Force must be approved by Egypt and Israel, and the mission can only end once Israel deems that appropriate demilitarization and the elimination of threats have been achieved.
The overall objective of the resolution is to achieve ceasefire, reconstruction, stability, and peace in Gaza under international coordination, thereby laying the foundation for long-term peaceful coexistence between Palestinians and Israelis and for the future construction of a Palestinian state. Although the resolution does not emphasize whether the international stabilization force will be responsible for disarming Gaza’s armed groups, including Hamas, nor does it clearly define its organizational structure, mandate, or participation criteria, it contains positive indications that the Palestinian Authority will effectively and safely administer Gaza after reforms. Considering Israel’s strong resistance to the United Nations, Resolution 2803 downplays the role of the UN and the Security Council in active involvement or oversight, though it does mention them.
After the adoption of Resolution 2803, Hamas—long-term controller of the Gaza Strip—expressed dissatisfaction, condemning the resolution for attempting to impose international trusteeship over Gaza and potentially advancing a governance plan favoring Israel. It explicitly rejected any form of international trusteeship, foreign military presence, or the establishment of international bases in Gaza, arguing that such arrangements would directly violate Palestinian national sovereignty.
Israel, on the other hand, demonstrated divided perceptions and stances. Israeli President Herzog praised it as “a rather incredible moment in world politics, a situation that only President Trump could have brought about, and of course, he also brought back all our hostages. We must create a hopeful future, and I hope that this Security Council resolution, along with civic activities and new initiatives… will bring some positive results.” However, Prime Minister Netanyahu and right-wing and far-right factions expressed dissatisfaction, arguing that the resolution contains the possibility of allowing the establishment of a Palestinian state and does not clearly mandate the complete disarmament of Hamas or full demilitarization in Gaza. Netanyahu asserted that regardless of how difficult the future may be, Gaza must be “demilitarized” and Hamas must be “disarmed.”
Regarding this U.S.-led draft resolution supported by several Arab and Islamic countries, China and Russia—who allowed its passage through abstention rather than veto—each issued clarifying remarks afterward to emphasize their reservations or dissatisfaction.
China’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Fu Cong, stated that the Security Council must ensure a lasting ceasefire, address the humanitarian crisis in Gaza, and begin reconstruction, but expressed “deep concern” over the unclear structure and mandate of the Peace Board and International Stabilization Force.
Fu Cong said that China believes the draft pays too little attention to Palestine and fails to explicitly affirm Palestinian sovereignty and the “two-state solution.” “The draft resolution does not reflect the basic principle that ‘Palestinians should govern Palestine.’ Gaza belongs to the Palestinian people, not to anyone else,” he said, expressing concern over the resolution’s failure to “ensure the effective participation of the UN and its Security Council.” He stated that due to these concerns and regional positions, China cast an abstention vote.
Russia’s Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Nebenzya, stated that Russia could not support the draft, arguing that it undermines the framework of the “two-state solution” and improperly grants the “International Stabilization Force” peacekeeping authority, effectively making it a party to the conflict. In addition, Nebenzya warned that the draft could serve as a cover for the United States and Israel to conduct “experiments” in the occupied Palestinian territories. He also recalled previous U.S.-driven initiatives that ran counter to their declared objectives.
Objectively speaking, although China and Russia pointed out many ambiguities and inappropriate elements in the draft resolution, their decision not to veto it indicates that both countries generally recognize the positive intention of promoting a ceasefire in Gaza, restoring humanitarian assistance, and focusing on postwar reconstruction and long-term arrangements, despite the imperfect path to implementation. In other words, faced with more than two years of disaster in Gaza, accepting this U.S.-backed plan—which attempts to consider multiple interests yet still favors Israel—amounts to “choosing the lesser of two evils.”
Since the “Sixth Middle East War” was triggered by a new round of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in October 2023, it has expanded from the Israeli-Palestinian arena to the Eastern Mediterranean, the Red Sea, and the Persian Gulf. More than ten regional states and external powers have become involved. The conflict ultimately led Israel and the United States into direct war with Iran, the unexpected collapse of the Syrian government, and Qatar being bombed by Israel despite its innocence. Warfare has erupted across the Middle East, with flames spreading in all directions. Most distressingly, 2.3 million Palestinians in the Gaza Strip have endured an unprecedented national catastrophe. The civilized world has witnessed the killings and genocidal acts committed by one of the most brutally behaving state actors.
During this period, because the United States repeatedly blocked and vetoed ceasefire proposals, continually “handing knives” to Israel and even directly acting as an accomplice to its militarism, the battlefield in the Middle East kept expanding and slipping out of control. Only when it eventually backfired on core U.S. interests and international reputation did the Trump administration introduce the “Comprehensive Plan to End the Gaza Conflict” (Trump’s 20-Point Plan). Through strong pressure on Israel’s right-wing factions, a partially incomplete ceasefire in Gaza was finally achieved, paving the way for the Security Council to consider a new governance framework for Gaza and a new configuration for Israeli-Palestinian relations.
Frankly, this draft resolution represents the result of strenuous diplomatic effort and extensive mediation by the Trump administration and only managed to gain broad support with difficulty. Inevitably, it is filled with loopholes, deliberate ambiguities, and a lack of detail, constituting a peace roadmap that must address the concerns of all parties—an unavoidable “rushed solution.” Therefore, dissatisfaction from the parties involved, especially the bitterly opposed Israel and Hamas, is entirely expected, as both sides currently adhere to zero-sum thinking on several issues.
Resolution 2803, which reflects Trump’s Middle East foreign policy—particularly his approach to resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict—passed smoothly in the Security Council. This reflects the international community’s consensus and determination to end Gaza’s suffering as soon as possible, restore peace between Israelis and Palestinians, and ultimately implement the “two-state solution.” It also represents a diplomatic victory for the United States in leading Middle East peace efforts, shaping the regional order, and demonstrating its status and influence as a superpower. It may help offset the frustration and distrust Middle Eastern states have felt toward the U.S. due to a series of previous policy failures.
In addition, the endorsement of the Gaza governance plan through a Security Council resolution strengthens and continues Trump’s Middle East policy from version 1.0 to 2.0. During his first term, Trump—marked by a distinctly pro-Israel stance—broke long-standing taboos of previous U.S. administrations by moving the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, introducing the “Deal of the Century,” which unilaterally compromised core Palestinian interests, cutting off contact with the Palestinian Authority, drastically reducing or completely halting humanitarian aid to Palestinians, withdrawing from UNESCO (which was considered sympathetic to Palestine), and successfully pushing four Arab states to sign the Abraham Accords with Israel, thereby expanding the pro-peace and reconciliation camp in the Middle East.
In his second term, Trump inherited a Middle East already engulfed in war. While ensuring U.S. leadership, he provided Israel with unwavering and unlimited support, even jointly striking Iranian nuclear facilities with Israel. At the same time, he worked to prevent the expansion of war, to limit its intensity, and to keep the United States out of a new quagmire. This included ultimately reaching a ceasefire agreement with Yemen’s Houthi movement, advancing normalization with post-transition Syria, and exerting pressure on multiple parties—including Israel—to prevent further regional destabilization, particularly to achieve a Gaza ceasefire as quickly as possible. Trump also successfully brought Kazakhstan into the Abraham Accords, expanding the Middle East peace process into Central Asia and into Muslim-majority states beyond the Arab world.
The adoption of Resolution 2803 marks a new milestone, indicating that the United States has once again become the key external power in Middle Eastern diplomacy and that Washington has returned to a central decision-making position in regional affairs. This will undoubtedly enhance the United States’ global political influence and leadership, strengthening its presence and discourse power in the Middle East. A few days earlier, under U.S. leadership, the Security Council adopted a resolution on November 14 extending sanctions on Yemen, condemning Houthi attacks, reaffirming the arms embargo, and adding new maritime inspection measures.
At the moment the UN Security Council voted on Resolution 2803, Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman made a highly publicized visit to the United States and may receive “U.S. ally” treatment, including the purchase of F-35 fighter jets. Prior to the outbreak of the “Sixth Middle East War,” Saudi Arabia and the United States were actively negotiating a military alliance. Washington’s conditions required Riyadh to normalize relations with Israel and drastically reduce economic, technological, and military cooperation with China. The Gaza war and the resulting unprecedented humanitarian disaster caused a major reversal in Saudi positions, with Riyadh reiterating that the Palestinian issue must be resolved first before Saudi-Israeli reconciliation can occur. As the Gaza ceasefire takes hold and U.S.-led reconstruction begins, the future direction of Saudi-U.S. and Saudi-Israeli relations has drawn close attention.
Observers have also noted that in 2023 China successfully mediated an end to the seven-year rift between Saudi Arabia and Iran, creating a diplomatic sensation and astonishing the world. In 2024 China facilitated a broad consensus among 14 Palestinian factions in Beijing. At a time when the United States was preoccupied with elections and unwilling to engage deeply in Middle Eastern affairs, international opinion exclaimed that China’s diplomacy in the region had become powerful, dynamic, and highly productive, and that Beijing seemed to have replaced Washington as the diplomatic decision-making center of the Middle East.
However, subsequent major developments in the Middle East delivered heavy setbacks to China’s regional diplomacy: Hamas leader Haniyeh, who participated in Beijing’s reconciliation talks, was openly assassinated by Israel in Tehran; Syrian President Bashar al-Assad—whose regime had survived with China’s support—was unexpectedly overthrown; Iran, which had signed a 25-year strategic cooperation agreement with China, lost large portions of its sphere of influence; Russia, China’s “comprehensive strategic coordination partner for the new era,” was forced to abandon Syria, its only Cold War asset in the Middle East; China had to conduct large-scale evacuations from Syria, Israel, and Iran; China’s efforts to build a high-quality Belt and Road Initiative with Middle Eastern states suffered from the effects of war; the Red Sea route—China’s main trade corridor to Europe—faced severe security threats, increasing trade costs.
Recently, as new opportunities have emerged in the Middle East and China-U.S. relations have gradually stabilized with multiple agreements reached at the Busan summit, China has significantly adjusted its policies and strategies regarding regional hotspots. This includes actively seeking cooperation with the United States on the Gaza ceasefire and Red Sea governance and twice abstaining to allow U.S.-led Security Council resolutions to pass. Most notably, China rapidly shifted its stance toward the Syrian transitional government, received its foreign minister for the first time, and issued a joint communiqué outlining the future of bilateral relations. These new developments indicate that China’s Middle East diplomacy is becoming more flexible, adapting to changing circumstances and evolving conditions.
Looking ahead, with the Middle East moving in a positive direction and China-U.S. relations continuing to stabilize, China will keep consulting and cooperating with the United States on regional governance. It will also work to explore its potential and leverage its strengths in promoting Syria’s comprehensive reconstruction, Gaza’s postwar administration, ending Yemen’s “one country, three governments” situation, and restoring Red Sea maritime security, helping create a new landscape of peace and stability in the Middle East.
The saying “even an impartial judge struggles to settle family disputes” applies. China’s strength in the Middle East lies in its lack of deep entanglements with any party to the conflicts and its ability to communicate with all sides, especially various Palestinian factions and parties within Yemen. However, the challenge remains that internal reconciliation and integration—whether in Palestine or Yemen—are extremely difficult and complex. This means China’s regional diplomacy, particularly its mediation efforts, will require greater wisdom, determination, and investment.
Prof. Ma is the Dean of the Institute of Mediterranean Studies (ISMR) at Zhejiang International Studies University in Hangzhou. He specializes in international politics, particularly Islam and Middle Eastern affairs. He previously worked as a senior Xinhua correspondent in Kuwait, Palestine, and Iraq.
Opinion
The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East
In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.
In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.
Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.
Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.
A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East
On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.
These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.
If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.
Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.
The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.
Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.
For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.
The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again
The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.
Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.
The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.
Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.
Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.
Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.
Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.
In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.
Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.
In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.
Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.
A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.
Opinion
Istanbul’s East-West Forum: A conversation the world can no longer avoid
Dr. Ahmed Moustafa, Director & Founder, Asia Center for Studies & Translation, Egypt
In a city that has spent centuries translating the language of one civilization to another, the first East-West Forum arrived at a moment when the world itself seemed to have lost the vocabulary for talking across its divisions.
Held in Istanbul on Sept. 26–27 and preceded by meetings around the event, the forum brought together diplomats, academics, journalists, strategists and political thinkers from a wide range of countries. Hosted by Harici Media in partnership with the Berlin-based European Transcontinental Initiative, the gathering was conceived as an attempt to examine a world increasingly defined by competing power centers, regional wars, economic fragmentation, artificial intelligence and the erosion of confidence in institutions created after the Second World War. Harici reported that participants came from roughly 30 countries.
For us, the significance of Istanbul was not simply a matter of the speakers on the panel or the structure of the programme. Its deeper importance lay in the willingness to put difficult — and sometimes uncomfortable — questions on the table.
We would like to extend our sincere thanks and appreciation to my friend and brother, Mr. Tunç Akkoç, Founder and Editor-in-Chief of Harici Media, for his gracious invitation to a representative of the Asia Center for Studies & Translation, Egypt, to participate in the Forum as a speaker and commentator. His initiative in creating a platform where competing geopolitical narratives could meet directly deserves recognition.
In his opening remarks, Akkos stressed that the initiative was intended to establish a permanent platform where people representing different political and intellectual traditions and perspectives could meet and engage in direct dialogue.
This vision is particularly significant because the traditional language used in international relations has increasingly struggled to explain the realities of a rapidly changing world.
The Problem of Proxy Wars
During the session that discussed proxy wars in the region and ways to reach solutions to their crises, the Center put forward the view that the Middle East cannot simply be understood through the traditional map that divides the parties into “good” and “evil,” or into “responsible states” and “rogue states.”
Such terms, in our assessment, often reflect the perspective of powers that possess extensive influence over international media and financial and security institutions.
The Center particularly criticised what we see as political bias within important sectors of the Western media and some non-governmental organisations that receive Western funding. From our perspective, these institutions can, in some cases, move from being mere observers of geopolitical conflicts to becoming influential parties in the battle over the narrative and the story.
However, this view should remain open to debate and should not automatically be accepted as an absolute truth.
The more important question is not whether every Western journalist, every NGO, or every Western institution works to serve a single geopolitical agenda clearly, this is not the case, but whether the information environment itself has become so highly polarised that the public is now receiving radically different interpretations of the very same war.
In our assessment, the answer is increasingly approaching “yes.”
The problem becomes particularly clear when searching for the term “proxy wars” in the Middle East. Some of the first results focus on groups associated with Iran, including Hezbollah and the Houthis, as well as Hamas, whereas the history of regional conflicts is far more complex.
Al-Qaeda and ISIS emerged through different historical trajectories, with Anglo-Saxon support that was “created by Britain and the United States.” In environments dominated by the United States and Britain, Al-Qaeda emerged from the environment associated with Osama bin Laden and the Afghan jihad, while ISIS developed largely from Al-Qaeda in Iraq, under American sponsorship, to pursue a certain agenda in the region and advance the scenario of “creative chaos” promoted by Condoleezza Rice, the radical US Secretary of State.
At the same time, US policy toward Afghanistan during the Cold War contributed to shaping the broader environment from which some militant jihadist movements later emerged.
These distinctions matter.
Because propaganda often begins where complex historical details end.
Who Has the Right to Define a “Rogue State”?
The same problem appears in the vocabulary used to describe states.
Countries such as China, Russia, Iran and North Korea are frequently portrayed in Western strategic discourse as states challenging the existing international order.
Egypt, despite the different nature of its relationship with Washington, can also become the subject of criticism when its foreign policy does not conform to certain Western expectations.
The question is not whether these governments should be exempt from criticism. Of course not.
The deeper question is this: can the international system remain sustainable when one geopolitical camp increasingly assumes the authority to define which governments are legitimate, which movements are terrorist, which wars are defensive and which forms of resistance are acceptable?
That was one of the central questions behind our intervention in Istanbul.
The Middle East has repeatedly been presented through the lens of the “Iranian threat” as the principal strategic danger.
There is no question that Iran possesses significant military and regional capabilities, and that its policies are deeply contested by many neighbouring states. At the same time, reducing virtually every regional security problem to Tehran can obscure the interests and roles of other actors, including Israel, the United States, Gulf states, armed groups and local political forces.
The region has repeatedly paid a heavy price for simplistic interpretations of complex conflicts.
The Economics of Fear
The discussions in Istanbul also led us to a broader American question: to what extent can fear itself become a source of political and economic power?
Historically, the United States has experienced intense political campaigns shaped by perceived racial, ideological and security threats.
One does not need to accept every interpretation of this history to recognise that fear can become a factor with tangible economic consequences.
A 2020 study by Citi estimated that racial discrimination against Black Americans had cost the US economy approximately $16 trillion in lost economic output since 2000, based on an analysis of disparities in wages, education, housing and investment.
This figure demonstrates the extent of the economic losses associated with racial discrimination and exclusion. It also raises questions about the relationship between fear-based narratives concerning Black Americans, media influence, the political power of the gun lobby and the broader economic consequences of insecurity.
More importantly, however, the study highlights a fundamental point: bias and insecurity carry substantial and measurable economic costs.
The broader lesson has direct relevance to foreign policy.
When societies are continually presented with existential enemies, military spending and the expansion of security institutions become politically easier to justify.
America After Iran
In Istanbul, we also advanced the view that the United States after its confrontation with Iran in 2026 should not simply be understood through the traditional image of unlimited American power.
The conflict exposed economic and strategic vulnerabilities.
The Strait of Hormuz emerged as a major strategic pressure point for global energy markets, amid disruptions to international trade that forced governments and companies to search for alternative routes and supplies.
The consequences were reflected in oil prices and energy costs in Europe and elsewhere.
This does not mean that American power has disappeared. Rather, it suggests that military power is no longer synonymous with strategic control.
The rise of China, Russia, ASEAN, Iran and other centres of economic and diplomatic influence has made the international order increasingly complex and dispersed.
The East-West Forum itself reflected this reality, bringing together voices from Europe, Asia, the Middle East and North America while explicitly addressing multipolarity and the ongoing transformation of the global order.
America Is Changing From Within
The domestic dimension of American politics also deserves attention.
The emergence of figures such as Zohran Mamdani in New York and Abdul El-Sayed in Michigan reflects changes in the American political debate over inequality, foreign policy, healthcare, identity and the influence of established political and economic interests.
Their political trajectories should not be treated as evidence of a predetermined future for the United States.
They do, however, illustrate how issues that were once treated as peripheral including the costs of war, US policy toward Israel, economic inequality and the political influence of younger and more diverse generations have moved closer to the centre of American political debate.
This is another reason why East-West dialogue cannot remain confined to foreign ministries and military institutions.
A Dinner for Dialogue
One of the most memorable moments on the margins of the Forum was the private dinner held on the evening of Friday, September 25, hosted by H.E. Mr. Hasan Capan, Chairman of the Turkish-Chinese Friendship Foundation, and H.E. Ambassador Ersin Erçin, Vice Chairman of the Foundation, in honour of the speakers and participants.
We extend our sincere thanks and appreciation to both of them for their generosity, friendship and support.
The gathering was more than simply a dinner. It provided an opportunity for personal interaction, an exchange of ideas and the building of relationships among participants — precisely the kind of human diplomacy that formal conferences sometimes lack.
Real dialogue does not always begin behind conference podiums.
Very often, it begins around a single table.
Istanbul’s Larger Message
The first East-West Forum should be regarded as the beginning of a dialogue, not the end of a debate.
The organisers have already articulated a vision of transforming the initiative into an annual gathering in Istanbul, developing expert working groups, establishing an East-West Forum network and potentially creating a business council capable of connecting intellectual dialogue with economic cooperation.
This may ultimately prove to be one of its most important contributions.
The world that emerges from the current conflicts including the crisis surrounding the Strait of Hormuz will require more than ceasefire agreements.
It will require a new conversation about security, energy, sovereignty, development, technology and coexistence.
Istanbul is an exceptional setting for such a dialogue. One participant even proposed moving the headquarters of international organisations, including the United Nations, to Istanbul.
For centuries, the city has stood between two continents without belonging exclusively to either.
The East-West Forum can follow the same principle: not choosing one civilisation against another, but creating a space in which East and West can confront their differences without turning disagreement into permanent conflict.
For this reason, we see the Istanbul gathering as an announcement of intent.
It was not an attempt to erase differences.
It was an attempt to make dialogue possible despite them.
At a time when proxy conflicts increasingly risk evolving into direct confrontations, this may be among the most important political conversations the world can undertake today.
Opinion
A new world in the East, old dogmas in the West
Much commentary followed the US president greeting the visiting Chinese leader at the foot of the aircraft stairs: both because a US president had not done so in many years, and because the leader he welcomed heads a state that the US defines as a competitor, an adversary, and an enemy. That photograph demonstrated that the US itself now recognizes China not merely as an economic power, but as a political, military, scientific, industrial, and technological one; yet it revealed other realities as well.
It showed that a multipolar order has arrived. It showed that the failure of the US to abide by the order whose rules it laid down and whose institutions it established has exacted a heavy toll on the US itself. It showed that the US-centric Atlantic system is unravelling. It showed that the collapse of a world order flouted, and indeed subverted, by its own rule-maker is both legitimate and inevitable. It showed that East-centred institutions, such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and BRICS, enjoy an open path against Western-dominated bodies. It showed that the US regards China as a rival not merely economically, but ideologically and technologically. It showed that the US has proven unable to exercise deterrence against China, Russia, and Iran to the degree it desires.
Let us admit it: after the Cold War ended, the US assumed it could act as it pleased by bringing the European Union to its side and constantly invoking human rights, democracy, and freedom. It was mistaken. The more it spoke of a rules-based world order, of a liberal world order, the more it flouted those very rules. In the end, that order collapsed as well. The birth of a multipolar, multilateral, and multicentric world accelerated; and it was just as well. Now is the time to debate the rules, institutions, traditions, and solutions of this new order.
Yet who will conduct this debate? Who will take part in this search?
It is not right to expect this from the US; nor is it realistic. It is likewise impossible to expect it from the European Union. Europeans follow so subserviently in Washington’s wake that they refuse to consider even Russia as European, despite the fact that, alongside its Eurasian identity, millions of its citizens live across territory spanning Europe and Asia while viewing their nation as historically, politically, socially, culturally, artistically, and intellectually European. They attempt to construct a European defence and security architecture by excluding Russia, in defiance of Russia, and by harbouring hostility toward Russia. In the end, they are both mistaken and defeated.
As the new order emerges, India must also be examined under a distinct heading, alongside China and Russia. For India is a nuclear power possessing the world’s largest population and its 5th largest economy. It maintains disputes with China and Pakistan, yet enjoys good relations with Russia, the US, and Britain. It is a member of both the SCO and BRICS. On the other hand, within the Quad grouping, alongside the US, Japan, and Australia, it positions itself against China.
In summary, as an order takes shape in which the West runs out of breath while the East rises, and Atlantic institutions dissolve while those of Eurasia and the broader Global South come to the fore, we must first rid ourselves of Cold War dogmas and habits.
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